Archive for the ‘Social Commentary’ Category

Going From a Black President to Racial Discord

Sunday, July 25th, 2010

It was perhaps too much to hope for. With the election of the first American black president who began his term with a near 70% approval rating, it could be argued that Americans had largely overcome their original sin of racism. No one would ever argue that racism has disappeared, but we could hope that we would only have to suffer under residual remnants in isolated pockets.However, 18 months into the Obama presidency, it appears that race has once again bedeviled us. There have always been voices like Janeane Garofalo who seems to believe that any opposition to President Barack Obama must be rooted in latent racism, as if no legitimate criticism is possible. This argument can be easily refuted by considering a thought experiment. If President Barack Obama were white and the current political and economic conditions were identical would the opposition be as great?

It would probaby be more intense, not restrained by fear of charges of racism. Indeed, one could argue that with Obama’s approval at about 50%,  with a 9-plus percent unemployment rate extending over many months, and with severe public anxiety about record deficits, Obama enjoys unprecedented goodwill. By contrast, President Ronald Reagan’s approval rating during the recession of his first two years fell to the mid-40’s.

It was perhaps too much to hope for. With the election of the first American black president who began his term with a near 70% approval rating, it could be argued that Americans had largely overcome their original sin of racism. No one would ever argue that racism has disappeared, but we could hope that we would only have to suffer under residual remnants in isolated pockets.

However, 18 months into the Obama presidency, it appears that race has once again bedeviled us. There have always been voices like Janeane Garofalo who seems to believe that any opposition to President Barack Obama must be rooted in latent racism, as if no legitimate criticism is possible. This argument can be easily refuted by considering a thought experiment. If President Barack Obama were white and the current political and economic conditions were identical would the opposition be as great? It would probaby be more intense, not restrained by fear of charges of racism. Indeed, one could argue that with Obama’s approval at about 50%,  with a 9-plus percent unemployment rate extending over many months, and with severe public anxiety about record deficits, Obama enjoys unprecedented goodwill. By contrast, President Ronald Reagan’s approval rating during the recession of his first two years fell to the mid-40’s.

Race as a policitcal argument in the recent context has largely been introduced by the Left. Congressional black leaders claim derogatory racial references were made as they walked by Tea Party activists to cast a health care vote. Despite the presence of press cameras, ubiquitous cell phones, and a reward for a video or other recording demonstrating such language, no evidence has surfaced.In response to charges of racism, Tea Party activist Andrew Breitbart dug up a video of Obama Agricultural Department employee, Shirley Sherrod. She  suggested in a portion of the the video that she she treated a white farmer differently than black farmers. The complete story revealed by the entire recording was that Sherrod had overcome this feeling decades ago. While Sherrod was treated unfairly when the Obama Administration initially fired Sherrod, the NAACP audience in the video seemed amused by the thought of a white farmer being treated dismissively. While such comeupance might be understandable given centuries of similar treatment at the hands of whites, it is surely not the act of well-meaning  people ostensibly devoted with racial reconciliation.

This issue could spiral out of control and make the legacy of Obama with regard to race divisive. Obama needs to exercise leadership that only he can. He needs to calm the roughned waters of racial feelings before they grow to destructive waves of anger. Obama needs to restrain his supporters from using racial allegations. If he shows such leadership, any racial divisiveness by those who oppose him will be more conspicuous and more easily dismissed.

Voter Intimidation in Philadelphia

Sunday, July 11th, 2010

On November 4, 2008, Barack Obama became the first black American to be elected President of the United States. Obama carried the election with nearly 53% of the vote. A large fraction of the remainder might have been disappointed from a political standpoint, but could not help feeling a sense of pride that to a large measure the racial bigotry that had been America’s original sin had been cleansed from our collective souls.

On the same day, New Black Panther Party member, King Samir Shabazz, stood in front of a Philadelphia poll brandishing a bludgeon and intimidating poll workers and voters. Christopher Hill, a poll watcher, was called a “cracker” by Shabazz. Bartle Bull claims it was the worst case of voter intimidation that he had ever witnessed. Bull’s claim carries significant weight since he served as a civil rights lawyer in the South in the 1960’s.

Though eyewitness claims are important, this incident might have devolved into a clash of testimonies had there not been video showing Shabazz in paramilitary gear strutting at the entrance of a Philadelphia polling place. Further, Shabazz made himself a less sympathetic character when claiming on another video at a different time that if “if you want freedom you’re going to have to kill some crackers, you’re going to have to kill some of their babies.”

The Chair of US Civil Rights Commission reported the facts of the case as:

“On November 4th, 2008, two members of the New Black Panther Party appeared at a polling station in Philadelphia. Video evidence and eyewitness testimony show that these two members standing athwart the entrance of the polling place dressed in paramilitary uniforms with black combat boots. One of them brandished a nightstick. They hurled racial epithets at whites and blacks alike, taunting poll watchers and poll observers, who were there to aid voters and, according to evidence adduced during our hearing last month, caused some voters who sought to cast their votes that day to turn and leave the polling place, rather than have to contend with them.”

Shabazz advocates a very radical ideology and no one claims that he represents any more than a tiny, tiny fraction of the population. Nonetheless, his intimidating actions in front of the polling area clearly deserved prosecution to maintain the integrity of the voting process. Under the Bush Administration, the prosecution began and a default judgment won that would have kept Shabazz away from polling places indefinitely. This was to be followed by further prosecutions of the New Black Panther Party for voting rights violations.

The Obama Administration had an easy decision to make. Simply maintain the prosecution and demonstrate that racial politics will not be tolerated on the part of anyone. Obama was supposed to represent a transition to a post-racial society. What better way to demonstrate that the Obama Department of Justice (DOJ) would not permit racial politics?

Unfortunately, the Obama Justice Department stood down the prosecution against the leaders of the New Black Panther Party and accepted a decreased the judgment against Shabazz prohibiting from polling places in Philadelphia only until 2012.  J. Christian Adams an attorney at the DOJ resigned after being instructed by apolitical appointee not to pursue the case. Christopher Coastes also stepped down as Chief of the Voting Rights Division, when his recommendation to pursue the case was denied.

The Civil Rights Commission is now investigating the entire case and the DOJ’s response to it. The Obama Administration is likely to be further embarrassed. All presidential administrations commit unforced errors and the decision to back off this prosecution is one such misstep. The disappointment is that this error undermines the hope that the Obama Administration could further racial reconciliation. There is no doubt that Obama himself seeks such reconciliation. He should insure that all his subordinates do as well.

A Unique Economic Situation

Sunday, July 4th, 2010

Economic analysis is complicated by the fact that controlled experiments are generally not possible. One cannot test different policy prescriptions on exact same economy and evaluate the different results. Arguments are made by analogy to previous circumstances. For this reason, it is difficult to conjure up a consensus among economists as to the best way to help the American economy recover from its current high unemployment and sluggishness.

There are two basic schools of thought: one that emphasizes monetary policy and one fiscal policy. Is the economy more or less responsive to controlling the money supply or federal taxation and spending, or some combination.

Milton Friedman won the Nobel prize in economics in 1976, for his explication of monetary policy and in part on his analysis of monetary policy during the Great Depression. Friedman argued that that collapse of the economy in the 1930s after its initial signs of trouble was caused the exact wrong policy followed by the central bank. The central back tightened rather than loosenes the money supply cause radical deflation and a lack of money available for investment.

The economist John Maynard Keynes is the champion of fiscal policy. Keynes has argued that federal deficits make up for demand in the private sector during recessions and provide a means for recovery. It should be noted deficits can be increased either by increased spending on reducing taxes

Since the banking crisis in 2008, the Federal Reserve has loosened the money supply about as much as it could. Perhap by this more than any other policy, the Federal Research helped avert a 1930s-like collapse in economic activity. At this point, however, the Federal Research has exhausted much of its ammunition. Interests rates are at historic lows. Monetary policy has helped, but all the Federal Reserve can do now is maintain a loose monetary policy until a strong recovery commenses.

In February 2009, after the immediate banking crisis had abated, the Obama Administration passed its stimulus package with nearly a trillion dollars of deficit spending. Results have been at best mixed. Growth remains anemic and unemployment and under employment remain much higher than the Obama Administration promised. Nobel-prize winning economist and NY Times columnist, Paul Krugman, recently argued that given the lack of economic response, we need to re-double fiscal stimulus. We note in passing that Krugman always argues from more governement spending and not reduced taxes. Either would increase the fiscal stimulus.

We submit the thesis here, that additional fiscal stimulus now would be ineffective because of collective physcology. Given the massive deficits we have already incurred, people will become more apprehensive about the future and hoard cash if the deficit increases much more. The problem was that the Obama stimulus was accompanied with health care changes and progressive agenda that promised not a one-time fiscal punch, but a fiscal trajectory that would incur even greater deficits or significant tax increases. In the face of this uncertainity, people are saving more. in anticipation of future bad times. Ironically, this fear is suppressing consumer demand. Business, also faced with uncertainty, sits greater than average cash reserves.

By creating what seemed to be a permanent and expontenially expanding deficit, rather than a short-term stimulus, the Obama Administration undermined the effectiveness of its signature economic policy. At this point, the best that can done is to reduce uncertainity by maintaining the current tax code and creating an economic plan that restrains federal spending. In any case, it will take a long time to dig out of the current situation, but if certainty returns, businesses will be more willing to invest their acccumulations of cash and consumers wil be more willing to spend some of their savings.

Securing Data in the Cloud

Sunday, June 20th, 2010

The laws and traditions surrounding the rights of people to “…be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures…” takes on new and interesting twists in a world where communications are conducted via e-mail rather than traditional mail and where papers and effects are stored not only in the home or office but virtually in the “cloud.” It is not clear that statutory law and case law has recognized these distinctions. Where do we have or not have reasonable expectations of privacy? Is it reasonable to have any expectation of privacy for anything that is online?

A couple of interesting cases have brought this issue to our current attention. Hushmail is a service where people are promised that they can send encrypted e-mail secure from outside scrutiny, even by Hushmail. A Javascript program is installed on a person’s local browser which encrypts the e-mail before it is sent from the computer.

It turns out that Hushmail may not be quite a secure as some users believed. Hushmail turned over 12 CD’s worth of clear text mail to prosecutors pursuing the distribution of illegal steroids.

The case of Thomas Drake is more sensational. Drake was a former NSA employee accused of sharing classified information with a reporter for a “national newspaper.” Some of the alleged communications transpired over Hushmail.

We have every reason to assume in these cases that all the proper warrants were obtained and the appropriate court supervision was provided. From a technical standpooint, how then was the Hushmail data in these case obtained. Much depends on the users. Using Hushmail with a local Javascript is the most secure way of using the service. However, for the sake of convenience, Hushmail also allows uses to use SSL encryption on the way up to Hushmail servers where it is then encrypted for e-mail transmission. Hence, between the point that the uploaded e-mail in unencrypted from the SSL session and the point it is re-encrypted for e-mail transmission, the mail is in clear text. It is at this point, the Hushmail could have saved e-mails to turn over to authorities. In principle, it would always be possible for Hushmail to push down new Javascript code that would make it appear that local encryption was taking place when it actually was not.

This same issue is relevant with cloud storage. As a matter of good practice, one should backup one’s data continuously offsite. One convenient way to do this is to use services like Carbonite, Mozy, or Backblaze. It is easy to imagine a situtation where the private papers of many people are stored in the cloud. Perhaps, even lawyers, doctors, and accountants who have a fiduciary responsibility to maintain confidentiality would find it prudent to use cloud storage.

Besides the standard SSL encryption on transmission, all these services offer additional encryption such that even the provider, ostensibly, cannot decrypt the data. However, just as the case with Hushmail, it would be possible for the provider, upon instruction from the authorities, to push new software that would bypass the user’s encryption key. It would be possible for a user to double encrypt, i.e., encrypt data using some other protocol before uploading and adding the encryption on the outside server.

There is not a lot of evidence that the government or others are abusing these offsite storage capabilities. Encryption is important from the standpoint of protecting data from private snooping. We should always presume that under the appropriate circumstances governments can and many times should have the ability to search private data. However, from a civil liberties standpont, it is important for the government to provide statutory protection for data stored in the cloud and not wait for the courts to do so. Personal data stored in the cloud should enjoy the same protection that paper documents stored in one’s house. The legal hurtles to obtain a search warrant should be the same for private data in the cloud as it is for one’s home or private office. Professions that have statutory protections of their relationships with clients, should have these offsite storage options treated with the same respect that the paper files stored in offices are normally accorded.

When Free Speech Degenerates to Threats

Sunday, May 30th, 2010

There can sometimes be a fine difference between Constitutionally protected free speech and criminal threats. Criminal intimidation may involve speech, but such speech does not fall under the shield of the First Amendment. Cross burning provides a compelling example. While ugly speech expressing racial hatred is permitted, those same sentiments expressed by cross burning are not. The reason is that cross burning was widely practiced by groups like the Klu Klux Klan as a direct threat against black people and others who sympathized with the plight of blacks. Hence, historical practice has caused cross burning to be unequivocally associated with a clear and direct threat of physical harm.

Protests and marches can sometimes straddle the distinction between First Amendment rights and unlawful behavior. Marching around a government building, for example, to express displeasure with a government policy is protected by the First Amendment. If such marches are meant to physically prevent the free passage of others, or if members act in ways that a reasonable person would feel physically intimated, the right of “people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances” degenerates into unlawful behavior. In many cases, we must rely on the judgment of local police officers to recognize the distinction. Rightly, the general rule has been to grant fairly large latitude to protestors.

We submit here that the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) crossed the line in the protest at the home of Greg Baer, counsel the Bank of America. About 500 members of the  SEIU and National Political Action another Progressive group (out of Chicago) assembled on the front lawn of Greg Baer. They were there ostensibly to protest foreclosures by the banks on delinquent mortgages. The group actually occupied the home’s porch with bullhorns blasting chants. The activities were sufficiently disconcerting that Baer’s teenage son, the only one home, took refuge in a locked bathroom in the house. The fact that the young man was afraid does not alone provide proof that the SEIU and its allies were a threatening crowd. However, other facts suggest that the purpose of the group was intimidation.

  1.  Usually protestors notify any major media groups that will listen in the hopes that the presence of media will amplify whatever message they are trying to send. The only media present was a sympathetic reporter for the Huffington Post.  This was clearly not a message meant for the public, but at an individual.
  2. Protests are usually conducted at places of business or other public places. A protest at a private residence directed against a particular individual more closely resembles the mob scene in Frankenstein that it does arm-in-arm parades of the Civil Rights movement.
  3. When the local, Montgomery County Maryland police were called in, the hapless officers who responded were intimated. Nina Easton, the next door neighbor of Baer and Bureau Chief of Fortune Magazine, reported that the officers were afraid that the attempts to clear the property of protesters would “incite” trespassing protesters. While the discretion of the officers may have been wise, it does suggest that the mood of the crowd was not congenial.

The ease with which SEIU was able to execute this threatening assembly and the fact that it has been essentially uncovered in the major press is frightening. Indeed, the ombudsman of the Washington Post was also concerned by the lack of coverage. One Washington Post reader suggested that if a group of Tea Party protestors assembled on the lawn of a Congressman and frightened his family, the story would have been above the fold on the front page.

The Success of the Stimulus Package is a Matter of Faith

Sunday, May 23rd, 2010

One of the powerful disciplines of science is the requirement that the validity of a theory is judged by how well it makes predictions. For example, the physical laws of motion are incredibly well validated by their ability to make very precise and accurate long-term predictions of the motion of the planets. The virtue of this discipline is that it allows theories to be both validated and refuted. This separates science from faith. Indeed, any well-constructed prediction ought to have clear measures of success or failure. Unfortunately, this discipline is difficult to apply to the social sciences. Nonetheless, difficulty in application does not render this approach useless.In January of 2009, a President Barack Obama economic team following predictions for unemployment both with and without the President’s stimulus package. The web site Innocent Bystanders has reproduced the Administration’s graph along with actual data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics. The graph is shown below:

The key prediction was if the stimulus were not passed unemployment would peek at 9% while with the stimulus package the unemployment would not exceeded 8%. In actuality, the maximum unemployment peaked over 10% and has persisted much longer than predicted. According the the Administration, at this point we should have 7.5% unemployment rather than 9.9%. Most discouraging at this point, is that newest prediction of the Administration predicts unemployment lingering above 8% through 2012, falling at a slower rate than the Administration expected for unemployment with no stimulus package. One hopes that this prognostication will not be an under prediction.The facts above are not disputed, however their interpretation certainly is. Indeed, President Obama himself has said: “If the ‘just say no’ crowd had won out..if we had done things the way they wanted to go, we’d be in a deeper world of hurt than we are right now.”Consider the three possible outcomes of the stimulus package with respect to the unemployment predictions. If the unemployment rate dropped faster than predicted, then the President and his Administration would have justifiably crowed about their success. If the unemployment rate largely followed the original Obama Administration predictions, even with fairly broad margins of error, the Administration could have persuasively argued that their policies worked as expected. Now that the unemployment rate has soared past the original predictions, the Administration is arguing that the economy would have been worst had their been no stimulus package.The key thesis here is that regardless of the actual economic situation, the Administration supporters will argue that the stimulus package was beneficial. There is no possible outcome, (positive, neutral, or negative) that could, in their eyes, have demonstrated that the stimulus package has failed. The value of the stimulus has become a matter of faith separated from the facts. If you don’t agree with this conclusion, ask an Administration supporter, what set of economic facts would have been evidence that the stimulus did not work.

Robert Gibbs Remark Reveals the Perspective of the Left

Sunday, May 9th, 2010

Every president should probably be excused one inept White House Press Secretary. President George W. Bush endured the dear-in-the-headlights Scott McClellan, who embarrassed the Bush Administration both before and after his tenure. McClellan was followed by one of the most articulate and press-savvy press secretaries ever, Tony Snow. Poor President Barack Obama presently endures Robert Gibbs.

Recently, Gibbs radically mischaracterized a criticism by the former FEMA Director Michael Brown on the Obama Administration response to the massive oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico caused by the explosion of a BP oil platform. This issue should have been a softball for Gibbs. Brown had been roundly criticized for his handling of Katrina in the Bush Administration. Brown has not earned much credibility on how to handle a catastrophe. Gibbs squandered the rhetorical opportunity by wrongly asserting that Brown had charged that the oil spill was deliberately planned by the Obama Administration. Brown had really charged that the Obama Administration had not been as quick in response as they should have been to reduce public support for offshore oil drilling. Brown’s charge was extraordinary and without proof, but Gibbs made Brown a sympathetic figure by his gross exaggeration.

Gibbs’s most egregious recent blunder also had to deal with BP. Gibbs was trying to say that the Obama Administration would hold BP accountable for the cost of the oil spill cleanup. What he actually said was that, “We will keep our … boot on the throat of BP to ensure that they’re doing all that is necessary while we do all that is humanly possible to deal with this incident.” Such a statement from a high Administration official is more than little creepy and unfortunately suggestive of the tactics of totalitarian thugs. One could imagine the hand-wringing and rightful angry reaction if a Bush press secretary had suggested that `We will keep our boot on the throat of Islamic states to ensure that they’re doing all that is necessary to help  capture terrorists.” The foot-on-the-throat metaphor is inappropriate as a general matter.

What is amazing is that Gibbs felt free to suggest such action as long as it was against an oil company. Will there be similar promises against other companies that err or cross the Administration?  Perhaps less unexpected is that the Left seemed less phased by this unfortunate metaphor in  a serious context than by a joke by President Obama.

At a White House Correspondents Dinner, a occasion where humor is the theme, President Obama joked:

“Jonas Brothers are here, they’re out there somewhere. Sasha and Malia are huge fans, but boys, don’t get any ideas. Two words for you: predator drones. You will never see it coming. You think I’m joking?’

an Prospect,  worried that the joke displayed a lack of sympathy for those innocents accidentally killed by weapons launched by predator drones.

The Left has no sense of humor and does not seem to be able to recognize a humorous remark delivered in a light context (President Obama’s joke) and a inappropriate metaphor (Gibb’s use of boot-on-the-throat threat) delivered seriously in a formal context. The reaction by the Left to these incidents reveals more about the Left than it does about Gibbs or Obama.

Trying to Stifle Dissent

Sunday, April 18th, 2010

Recently, former President Bill Clinton gravely warned that the anti-government sentiment could incite people to violence. Clinton was directing his criticism against the Tea Party protesters, whose demonstrations have proven remarkably peaceful. No one wishes to encourage violence, but we suggest here that Clinton’s warning is more about discrediting legitimate dissent than a warning against violence.

If Clinton were sincere about his concern, he might have spoken out against incendiary speech against President George Bush. Not only was Bush regularly compared to Hitler, but prominent people made accusations designed to engender anti-Bush hatred. The late Senator Ted Kennedy called the Iraq war a “fraud” cooked up in Texas. Air America radio talk show host Randi Rhodes speculated about a mafia style elimination of Bush. The 2006 movie the Death of a President graphically depicted the fictional assassination of the very real President Bush. Can you imagine the righteous (and justifiable) hand-wringing if there were such a graphic depiction of a similar incident with regard to President Barack Obama? It would probably not win the same number of international film awards.

The truth is that the Tea Party protests have been largely peaceful with far fewer arrests and incidents than usually accompany the same number of protesters for other causes. Just consider the Left-wing violent protests that typically happen whenever the G8 meets. According the New York Times, Tea Party protesters come from the middle classes, slightly more affluent and more educated than the population as a whole. Perhaps the most we can learn from Clinton’s remarks is that the Tea Party movement is threatening because it is so representative of a large swath of America.

Clinton has a history of exploiting domestic terrorism for political advantage. After a the destruction of the Murrah Building in Oklahoma City killing 168 people.  Clinton and his political strategist Dick Morris, consciously used the tragedy to suggest that Conservatives, particularly those on talk radio created an environment conducive to violence. Unfortunately, we have come to expect such cynicism from politicians. It probably says more about Clinton and other Democratic leaders that they are so fretful about a group that has as the first element of its program:

“Require each bill to identify the specific provision of the Constitution that gives Congress the power to do what the bill does.

Not Atticus Finch, Not Even John Yoo

Sunday, March 14th, 2010

There is a noble tradition in the legal community to provide legal aid pro bono for ill-disposed defendants unable to secure legal representation. The archetype attorney is this regard is  the fictional Atticus Finch in  Harper Lee’s To Kill a Mocking Bird. Atticus Finch engaged in a professional and vigorous defense of Thomas “Tom” Robinson, a black man wrongly accused of raping a young white woman. Finch defended Robinson despite the fact that the defense earned him the anger and disapprobation of his community. Why Did Finch defend Robinson? Most probably from a conviction that Tom’s was innocent. Perhaps  Finch believed that, innocent or not, criminal defendants are entitled to a defense. Perhaps Finch believed that the procedures used against Robinson violated his rights. Most readers of To Kill a Mockingbird would believe that all three factors were involved.

For an attorney to seek a case,  pro bono, when not directed by a court is a deliberate choice. It is a choice that involves a commitment of resources and time. Hence, the nature of the choice says something about the priorities, perspectives, and beliefs of the attorney. This issue has recently been raised with respect the attorneys selected by Attorney General Eric Holder. Apparently, seven of these attorneys defended detainees at Guantanamo Bay. Eric Holder has refused to disclose the names of these political appointees (not civil servants).

Now there are any number of reasons that these attorneys were involved in these cases. They may have been directed by the firms to do so. They could have believed in the innocence of those involved. They could have believed that the detainees ought to be tried in civilian rather than military courts. There are a host of possible reasons. Defending someone certainly does not imply any sympathy for the underlying crime or even a belief on the part of the attorney that the argument used for defense is ultimately valid.

If, however, these choices were made because the attorneys had a disagreement (perhaps a very reasonable ones) with US policy, this disposition is certainly a subject of reasonable inquiry. If these attorneys — now political appointees — are of the legal opinion that, for example,  people seized overseas by the military are criminals rather than prisoners of war that does not make them bad people sympathetic to the Taliban. But it does make their positions legitimate political issues and indicative the Administration’s policy with regard to detainees.

If Attorney General Eric Holder believed that this politically-appointed attorneys had a popular legal approach with regard to detainees, he would not be shy about their names and positions. Holder’s reluctance to publicly name his staff is a concession Holder’s conviction that the positions of his appointees might be  politically difficult to defend. Atticus Finch had the courage to publicly stand behind his choices, not hide behind anonymity.

In To Kill a Mocking Bird, Atticus Finch stood up against his life-long friends and neighbors to defend Tom Robinson. Although some of the attorneys hiding in the Department of Justice may be politically embarrassed now, among their professional peers at large firms, their was a mad scramble to get “street creds” by challenging the Bush Department of Justice.

Bill Kristol and Liz Cheney are over the top in referring to the lawyers at the “Al Qaeda Seven,” perhaps implying a sympathy with Al Qaeda. However, this criticism is far milder than the  attacks experienced by John Yoo, the attorney who wrote legal analysis for the Bush Administration, on the what what is or is not torture. John Yoo is willing to not only to be public about his opinions, but for making his best efforts he was accused in the popular press of war crimes and awarded a DOJ Office of Professional Responsibility investigation run by Obama politically appointees in the DOJ. It took a career a DOJ attorney, David Margolis, to counterman the recommendation that Yoo be referred for disbarment.

It is very legitimate to criticize Yoo on his legal opinions, just as it is legitimate to critique the policy perspectives of the current DOJ political appointees after they emerge from behind the skirts of AG Eric Holder. But Yoo, who is willing to publicly argue for his positions, must do so in an environment that requires real intellectual courage.

Public Sentiment is Everything

Saturday, March 6th, 2010

“In this and like communities, public sentiment is everything. With public sentiment, nothing can fail; without it nothing can succeed. Consequently he who moulds public sentiment, goes deeper than he who enacts statutes or pronounces decisions. He makes statutes and decisions possible or impossible to be executed.”Abraham Lincoln.

Abraham Lincoln and Stephen Douglas engaged a series of debates in pursuit of the Senate seat from Illinois in 1858. The campaign was indirect in that state legislatures appointed Senators at the time. Hence, Lincoln and Douglas were entrusted with the banners of their respective parties (Republican and Democrat) to wrestle control of the Illinois legislature.

The key Lincoln argument was that the Federal Government can and ought to control whether or not slavery was permitted in the territories as they became states. That had been the conventional wisdom since the adoption of the US Constitution. Moreover, Lincoln was concerned that the logical extension of the infamous Dred Scott decision — a radical departure from Constitutional precedent asserting that local state law against slavery was superseded by Constitutional protections of property — was that states would be prohibited from banning slavery. Douglas argued for local popular sovereignty as to the question of the extension of slavery. Douglas refused to concede that the logic of the Court in Dred Scott would be used to compel slavery to by recognized in all states.

Lincoln was subject to the criticism of hypocrisy. He personally objected to slavery, but it was not his position to abolish slavery in those states in which it had already been established. The key [1] he used to free himself cage of hypocrisy was the observation that “Public sentiment is everything.” In the South, public sentiment would make the abolition of slavery impossible. Perhaps with time, public sentiment would change, but it was imprudent to impose a policy against which there was strong public antipathy. Lincoln was right. Ultimately, it would take a bloody Civil War to eliminate slavery.

We do not argue here that opposition to the particular health care reform offered by the Democrats is morally equivalent to the abolition of slavery  in 1858, or opposition to the current bill is as blind to the real moral issues as Stephen Douglas was. Indeed, there is a strong argument that individual freedom and liberty, at the very core of the anti-slavery position, animates opposition to the current health care bill. However, independent of the correctness of one policy or another, it is clear that a majority of Americans oppose the health care reform as the Democrats have cobbled it together. Most people want to start over with a clean slate to construct a more reasonable, less radical, and more transparent approach to change. Public sentiment is strongly against the President and Congress.

President Barack Obama fancies himself in the mold of Abraham Lincoln, a tall well-spoken person from Illinois, elected President despite modest beginnings. If the comparison is to be more than superficial, Obama ought to adopt the profound wisdom of his erstwhile political model. Leadership in this case requires making a successful public case for Obama’s brand of health care reform before compelling its implementation against the clear public sentiment. Obama has the opportunity to be one who is “deeper than he who enacts statutes or pronounces decisions.”

[1] David Zarefsky, “‘Public Sentiment Is Everything’: Lincoln’s View of Political Persuasion,” Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association, Summer 1994.