Archive for the ‘Social Commentary’ Category

The Gaia Napa Hotel

Sunday, May 6th, 2007

The Bloomberg media services company recently reported on the Gaia Napa Valley Hotel and Spa, less than 40 miles northeast of San Francisco, a self-described “eco-friendly property,” equipped with low-water-use toilets and showers and paved in recycled stone. If the owners can find a market for their hotel services, then who are any of us to complain. A quick check showed rooms priced as low at $149 a night. While this is high by Midwestern standards, for a hotel near San Francisco, this rate is reasonable.

Bloomberg also reported that this environmentally-conscious hotel had replaced the Gideon Bible, that is traditionally found in hotel rooms, with a copy of Al Gore’s An Inconvenient Truth. It is difficult to conjure up a more fitting metaphor for the transition of the environmental movement from a reasonable concern for stewardship of the environment to a religious faith. The “Tree Huger”web site even considered the Bible replacement to be a “nice touch.”

Since the story came out, the hotel claimed that the Bibles haven’t been replaced. According the hotel’s web site, “Contrary to an erroneous news report, Gaia Napa Valley Hotel and Spa is continuing the long tradition, first established in 1899, of placing a Gideon bible in all our hotel guest rooms. In addition, we are placing the book of Buddha’s Teaching for Buddhist travelers.” Now whether the Bibles were always there or hastily brought in to deal with popular criticism is something that is difficult to determine from a distance. We should grant the benefit of the doubt and assume that the hotel managers were not so foolish as to discard Bibles. However, of the name Gaia for the hotel and the message behind Gore’s An Inconvenient Truth. that the time for debate about global warming issues is over, are implicit signs of the descent of the extremes of the environmental movement to cult-like status.

Gaia is the Greek goddess of the Earth. In its mildest form, the Gaia Hypothesis is almost trivially true: that life on the Earth can be considered as an interlinked system, complete with self-regulating feedback loops. In its more extreme form, the Gaia Hypothesis views the Earth as a living organism, perhaps even with a consciousness of it own. The personification of the Earth and the environment, implicit in giving the Earth system a name and consciousness, re-enforces the cult like worship of the Earth which views humans an interlopers. From this perspective, every creature, but humans, are a part of nature. Only humans can deliberately upset the natural balance. Only humans can be evil. However, it is the capacity of humans to choose to be either good or evil that makes humans unique and immeasurably more valuable than the remainder of creation. It is this moral capacity that makes us stewards and not subjects of the Earth or Gaia.

The issue of climate change is an important one. We are in the processes of assessing the extent to which human actions affect climate. Some believe that immediate action is necessary. In an effort to compel such action, we are told by Al Gore and others that the debate is over and the scientific consensus favors immediate action to alleviate global warming. Concede for the moment that such a broad scientific consensus exists. This is does not mean that the debate is over. Science is inherently skeptical, always willing to question, and perpetually provisional. When we suspend skepticism or when we discontinue debate we move from the realm of reason to the realm of faith. Ironically, some environmentalists use the credibility and authority to science to suppress the very processes that make science credible and authoritative.

By all means visit the Gaia Hotel in California and enjoy your stay while studying An Inconvenient Truth. But recognize that humans are unique to the world and that this uniqueness is measured by the extent that humans have the capacity to act morally and question authority.

Carhart Abortion Decision

Sunday, April 29th, 2007

Sometimes the law and the courts lead the country culturally and sometimes they follow. In the case of abortion and the Roe v. Wade decision, the Supreme Court has been mired in a decision that was so wrongly decided that it now has difficulty in reaching a position consistent with the national intuition about abortion.

According to a recent Washington Post poll, 16% of Americans believe abortion should be legal in all cases, 39% believe it should be legal in most cases, 31% believe is should be illegal in most cases, 12% believe it should be illegal in all cases, and 2% remain unsure. Thus 70% of Americans believe some regulation of abortion is appropriate. There has been a slight shift against abortion over the last decade, but these percentages given in the poll have remained remarkably stable. In 1996, 24% believed that abortion should be legal in all cases. If Roe v. Wade had been decided differently, states would have managed to reach some reasonable compromises with respect to abortion without the political rancor that now accompanies the issue. Moreover, these state-by-state decisions would enjoy the legitimacy associated democratic decisions.

These notions are consistent with the general view, that early in pregnancy the fetus has not really achieved the status of person and hence most Americans grant total discretion to the pregnant woman with regard to abortion. However, as the fetus grows, so does its identification as a person. This is why a majority of the country and a majority Congress agreed to ban partial-birth abortion (intact D&E). In this procedure, the fetus is delivered entirely except its head. The head is then destroyed and then remainder of the fetus is removed from the mother. There is some controversy as to medical necessity of the procedure, but one has to suspend common sense to not believe that the chief reason for destroying the fetus’s head is to insure that it is not born alive. Once a fetus escapes the mother alive, there would be an obligation to treat the baby as person and to render medical assistance. Partial birth abortion treads too close to infanticide and was hence it was banned.

In Gonzalez v. Carhart, the Supreme Court ruled 5-4 that the ban of partial birth abortion was legal. However, the decision was so narrowly drawn and the margin on the Court so small, there is virtually no chance that the Court as currently constructed will measurably erode abortion rights. It is not even clear that the partial birth abortion ban will save even a single fetus from destruction. Nonetheless, reading the opinions of the Court, particularly the dissenting opinion by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsberg is illuminating.

Roe v. Wade used the right of privacy implied by the Fourth Amendment to find a right to abortion in the Constitution, but it was never really about privacy. The government and the courts have no problem regulating other procedures like breast enhancement surgery that certainly touch on the issue of privacy. As Ginsberg honestly concedes, “…legal challenges to undue restrictions on abortion procedures do not seek to vindicate some generalized notion of privacy; rather, they center on a woman’s autonomy to determine her life’s course, and thus to enjoy equal citizenship stature.” Abortion rights have little to do with Constitutional imperatives, but with a notion about how a society should be run. Despite Ginsberg’s preference, this is the job of elected representatives, not judges no matter how wise or enlightened they believe themselves to be.

Ginsberg explains how abortion rights jurisprudence is tied to the concept of viability, the point at which the fetus will survive outside the womb. This is a convenient, but not principled demarcation. The age of viability continues to decrease. Recently, Amillia Taylor survived with less than 23 weeks of gestation, weighing less than a pound at birth. The American Association of Pediatrics has declared such babies as non-viable, but this little Amillia did not much care what the august American Association of Pediatrics avers.

One can anticipate that at some point in the future, it will be possible keep babies alive born earlier in the second trimester. It is seems that a more reasonable demarcation would be something inherent in the nature of the fetus (or baby), for example the maturity of its mental and brain structures. Again, these would be best debated in legislatures, where it is easier to change laws as additional scientific information becomes available.

It is hard to believe that the Gonzalez v Carhart decision would be considered a victory by either side of the abortion debate. Doctors may no longer be able to perform an intact D&E, but they can dissemble the fetus within the womb and then extract it. As Ginsberg concedes, “The law saves not a single fetus from destruction.” Is this what the pro-life movement considers a victory? Certainly, the pro-choice Americans will not perceive a benefit from the attention to paid to the public description of the gruesome procedures used to terminate late-term abortions.

Perhaps the only good to come of the Carhart decision is that it provided one more hilarious illustration of the mendacity of Senate Majority leader Harry Reid. President Bush appointed Justice Samuel Alito to the Supreme Court, replacing Justice Sandra Day O’Conner. She would have likely flipped the 5-4 decision in the Carhart Case. Compelled to criticize Bush, Reid reflexively complained immediately after the Carhart decision was released. He grumbled that “[a] lot of us wish that Alito weren’t there and O’Connor were there.” However, Reid voted for the partial abortion bill and he was thus complaining that the Supreme Court had upheld a bill that he voted for. Is Reid conceding that he voted for a bill he considers unconstitutional? One could not make up a better tale of hypocrisy.

Student Privacy

Sunday, April 22nd, 2007

It is not surprising that the nation is asking itself what might have prevented the massacre of 32 student and faculty and Virginia Tech. The killer (I am deliberated not according him the honor of mentioning his name) was 23-year old student who had a history of mental illness. There will be discussion about gun control laws and whether a different reporting regime would have prevented the killer from acquiring the weapons he employed. Here we address an important ancillary issue, the extent to which laws protecting student privacy prevent a healthy relationship between the university, students, and their parents.

The old tradition of universities and colleges was to manage students as parents would, the princple of in loco parentis. However, the ethos of extreme personal autonomy has spread to campuses. Students are treated as full adults, even if greater concern and care seem warranted. If as student is having academic or personal problems, parents will not be generally notified. Parents do not have right to view student grades. Parents are only notified if the policy are called or emergency medical treatment required.

In many ways this is convenient for universities. Schools still insist upon parental finanical support to the extent they practically can, but the source of funds is separated from the consumers, the students. Parents who pay for the services are more likely to confront school administrators about the quality of educational services and the manner in which they are provided.

Federal law prohibits universities from releasing student records, even grades, to anyone unless the student has granted permission. This crucial point is often time explained to parents at orientation classes for parents of prospective freshman. Don’t bother to call the school to find out how Johnny or Sally are doing, because federal law keeps the university from responding.

However, what is generally not said is that one important exception to the law is that the parents of children who are still dependents, as defined by the Internal Revenue Code, have every right to student records. This situation applies to many incoming freshman. The fact that this exception is not generally made clear to parents is an indication that universties rather not be bothered by pesky parents.

The extent that universities really care about the welfare of student is in part measured by their genuine attempts to involve parents in the education and care of student, not just fund raising and boosterism. The first step is to make sure that parents understand their rights.

It’s Not the Words

Sunday, April 22nd, 2007

Now that Don Imus has managed to get himself fired from the CBS radio network and a simulcast of his radio show on MSNBC, a post mortem is probably in order. Imus’s mortal sin was to refer to the Rutgers woman’s basketball team as “nappy headed hos,” efficiently combining racial and misogynistic slurs in only three words. No one defends his statement, however, it has brought attention to the use of similar language daily in hip-hop music. If it was so wrong for Imus, why is such language somehow acceptable for hip hop artists?

Hip-hop artist Russell Simmons plausibly argues that context is everything. Imus’s remarks appear deliberately harmful and hateful. The argument by the hip-hop community is that the use of words like “hos” authentically represent some elements of the black experience in America. While it is not possible to determine with certainty the motives of others, from the outside, the pervasiveness of such language in hip-hop music undermines the self esteem of young black woman and coarsens the overall culture.

Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that context is critical in determining the appropriateness of language. Just because the argument about context is used to defend the language of hip-hop music does not mean that context is not important.
Every year groups try to remove Mark Twain’s The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn from high school curricula because of its use of the “n”-word. In contemporary America, the use of this work is almost universally considered deliberately hurtful and mean-spirited. However, Twain’s masterpiece remains indictment of slavery and the use of religion to support the institution.

Words are like guns. They are not inherently harmful. It depends on how and when they are used.

Free Speech for Gay Group: A Case of Hypocrisy

Saturday, April 7th, 2007

A couple of weeks ago, we criticized the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals when it overruled an injunction by a lower court in favor of Faith Center Church Evangelistic Ministries. The religous group had been denied the right to use public facilities, facilities that were routinely used on a first-come first-serve basis by other community groups. The lower court had invoked an injunction allowing the group to use facilities while the case was be adjudicated. The lower court was relying on the Supreme Court decision in Widmar v. Vincent. According to the decision, if a public institution, in that case the University of Missouri at Kansas City, “makes it facilities available for the activities of registered student groups…[t]he university’s exclusionary policy [toward religious group] violates the fundamental principle that a state regulation of speech should be content-neutral.”

The Ninth Circuit found little harm if “mere” religious activities were circumscribed and reversed the injunction.

In a nearly identical situation, a lower court in Miami granted an injunction that allowed the Gay-Straight Alliance to have the same access to school facilities as other groups. The suit on behalf of the group was filed by the American Civil Liberties Union. The suit is valid, an injunction should be granted, and the Gay-Straight Alliance should formally prevail in the suit.

Miami falls under the jurisdiction of Eleventh and not the Ninth Circuit. We suspect that had the case occurred in their district the Ninth Circuit Court would have sustained the injunction for the Gay-Straight Alliance, though we can never know for sure. However, we do know that the Faith Center was not represented by the ACLU. The scent of hypocrisy is in the air.

Environmental Grownups

Sunday, April 1st, 2007

The validity of any argument is independent of the character of the person making the argument and even the rashness with which the argument is delivered. Nonetheless, there is something reassuring about passionately believed arguments delivered with directness and humility and without resort of ad hominen. Thus the rash and hyperbolic remarks of Dr. Rajendra K. Pachauri, the chairman of the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) are deeply disappointing.

Bjorn Lomborg is a Danish statistician who has questioned the conventional approach to global warming issues. In an interview in the Danish newspaper Jyllandsposten, Dr. Pachauri said, “What is the difference between Lomborg’s view of humanity and Hitler’s? You cannot treat people like cattle. You must respect the diversity of cultures on earth. Lomborg thinks of people like numbers. He thinks it would be cheaper just to evacuate people from the Maldives, rather than trying to prevent world sea levels from rising so that island groups like the Maldives or Tuvalu just disappear into the sea. But where is the respect for people in that? People have a right to live and die in the place where their forefathers have lived and died. If you were to accept Lomborg’s way of thinking, then maybe what Hitler did was the right thing.”

Lomborg, author of The Skeptical Environmentalist has argued against unnecessary and unjustified hyperbole with regard to environmental issues. Lomborg does not dispute climate change. Indeed, he has bases his analysis on data and conclusions contained IPCC reports. In recent testimony before Subcommittee on Energy and Environment of the Committee on Science and Technology, Lomborg concluded, “Global warming is real and man-made. This point has been made in many places, but perhaps most strongly and convincingly by the IPCC.” Lomborg’s argument disagreement with many on the environmental Left is that IPCC conclusions about global climate change and its effects do not support the notion that expected climate change will have “strong, ominous and immediate consequences.” Moreover, in deciding on the best strategy to deal with global climate change, it is imperative to weigh the costs of alleviating climate change directly against the costs of coping with its effects.

The reference Pachauri made to the Maldives, a group of atolls in the Indian Ocean, is associated with the fact small republic highest point is only 2.5 m above sea level. If sea level rises enough due to global warming 300,000 people who live there will be forced to move. This involves human and economic consequences felt most acutely by the Maldivians.

There also human and economic costs associated with the disruptions associated with reducing carbon emissions. These costs will increase unemployment, decrease wealth (or at least the rate at which it grows) and these costs will most likely affect the poorest among us. Lomborg suggests that these total costs and benefits of reducing climate change must be balanced against coping with the impact of such climate change. All resources are finite, and it is not unreasonable to maximize the benefit of such resources to all. One does not have to be callous with respect to consequences to the Maldivians, to be sensitive to the consequences on others radical and immediate reductions in carbon emission. For this assertion, Lomborg is compared Hitler.

If one reads Lomborg’s works or listens to him speak he does not display the anger of the hateful, but the concern associated with humble inquiry. This lends credibility to his presentation. On his better days, I suspect that Pachauri is not given to the mean-spiritedness he displayed in the interview cited above. Nonetheless, it is immature to will an end without appreciating the means to reach the end. If Pachauri wishes to reduce climate change he must be willing to acknowledge the costs of doings so.

Reducing climate change is not the ultimate good. Human well being and respect for individual human rights are the highest goals governments can lend themselves to. It is not too much use available resources to maximize these goods not necessarily to minimize the impact of humans on the Earth. We called to be stewards on the Earth, but stewards in the service of the Earth’s most value asset, us.

The Ninth Circuit Again

Sunday, March 25th, 2007

While the national press worries about civil rights controversies surrounding the disposition of captured combatants in the War on Terror, there are more local, and perhaps more pernicious, issues that slip the notice of national media. We can thank Quinn Hilyer in the Examiner for bringing to our attention a case that has been rattling around the most Liberal and most frequently overturned United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit.

The facts of the case, Faith Center Church Evangelistic Ministries v. Glover, are not in any dispute. The Antioch Library in Contra Costa makes available its facilities to non-profit community organizations. There are several reasonable restrictions on the use of the facilities such as that access is granted on a first-come, first-serve basis. However, the explicit restriction that facilities “shall not be used for religious services” is in dispute. The Faith Center Church Evangelistic Ministries in making the reasonable claim the restriction violates the First Amendment “free exercise” clause and speech protections.

The case has not yet been decided upon its merits, but the lower court granted an injunction allowing the services to be held at the library. It reasoned that the harm done by potentially limited free speech rights outweighed any harm done to the library. In an incredible decision, the Ninth Circuit overturned the lower court and allowed the County to continue to restrict use of the facilities by a religious organization. The Ninth Circuit concluded that the loss of “mere religious worship” was not as sufficient to retain the injunction.

The case is not really very difficult and injunction should be granted to the Faith Center Church almost perfunctorily. In Widmar v. Vincent, the Supreme Court ruled if a public institution, in that case the University of Missouri at Kansas City, “makes it facilities available for the activities of registered student groups…[t]he university’s exclusionary policy [toward religious group] violates the fundamental principle that a state regulation of speech should be content-neutral.” The applicability of this case to current one is so direct, clear and obvious, that it could not escape the Ninth Circuit’s notice. Faith Center is being denied access based on the content of its speech. Nonetheless, the court asserted that the government’s interest in the case outweighed “those wishing to use the property for other purpose.”

Once again, the Ninth Circuit allows its animosity toward religious practice to overwhelm the logic of the case and the exercise of the First Amendment.

Guilty of Perjury

Saturday, March 10th, 2007

There is great irony in the fact the Scooter Libby was convicted for lying to a grand jury about who he informed about the truth that Valerie Plame worked for the CIA and was responsible for suggesting that her husband Ambassador Joseph Wilson be sent on a fact-finding mission to Africa. On the other hand Joseph Wilson and his wife are enjoying book royalties, possible compensation for a movie story, and puff pieces in Vanity Fair, when virtually everyone of Wilson’s claims were certified as false by the 9/11 Commission Report. Indeed, the Washington Post concedes that one outcome of the entire affair is that “[t]he former ambassador will be remembered as a blowhard.”

There are at least two important lessons from this episode. Lessons that politicians appeared destined to be continually re-learn.

The first lesson from this political tragedy is that one never ever lies under oath. It does not matter whether or not there is a substantive underlying issue in question, perjury and obstruction of justice can and generally ought to be prosecuted. This mistake was largely responsible for the fall of President Richard Nixon and resulted in the impeachment of President Clinton.

When the Valerie Plame story broke, many wondered whether the release of Valerie Plame’s name violated the 1982 Intelligence Identities Protection Act. It turns out that under the provisions of the act Plame did not qualify for protection. This interpretation is given tremendous weight by the fact that Special Counsel Patrick Fitzgerald did not even charge anyone with this crime, though many have since admitted that the spoke of Plame’s CIA position. Indeed, the original source of the leak which appeared in an article by Bob Novak was Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage. The original claim by Administration critics is that Valerie Plame’s name was released by the Administration as retribution against her husband. Actually, Armitage was no fan of the Iraq War. He released Plame’s name in passing as a way to explain how some as conspicuously indiscreet as Wilson would be sent on a sensitive mission to Niger. Despite Wilson’s initial denials, he was sent on his because his wife suggested his name to the CIA.

The second lesson is that decisions to appoint special counsels are almost invariably mistakes. Ordinary prosecutors are faced with finite resources and many potential crimes to investigate. They are consequently compelled to prioritize: to choose those crimes that are deserve government resources. They are forced to weigh the public benefit to the prosecutions against the costs. Special counsels, by definition, have a narrow focus and unlimited resources. This situation usually devolves to trail distorted decisions.

Even before Fitzgerald became the special counsel the Justice Department knew that Armitage had given Plame’s name to Novak. Fitzpatrick’s next step should have been to determine whether that revelation violated the law. Any reasonable reading of the relevant law would have concluded that no law was broken. Indeed, no one was ever charged with a crime from revealing the Plame’s name. The special counsel’s office could reasonably have closed up shop within months or weeks.

Instead, given a blank check for further investigation, Fitzgerald trolled for perjury by conducting grand jury hearings. This does not excuse perjury or obstruction of justice on the part of Libby or anyone else, but is does reveal the injustice of unconstrained and unaccountable prosecutions. Indeed, on the jurors, Ann Redington, while driven by the compelling logic of the law to convict Libby concludes that justice would be served by pardoning Libby.

This is a particularly sorry episode, of using the criminal justice system to adjudicate political disputes and on that , in the words of the Washington Post, “besmirched nearly everyone it touched.”

Union Fear of Democracy

Sunday, March 4th, 2007

When fighting the War on Terror or any war, there are always the conflicting priorities of individual liberties and the effective execution of the war. It seems that the trimming of the edges of civil liberties during the current conflict has been at best reasonable and at worst fairly minor excursions given the way wars have been executed in the past.

Some Democrats are bent out of shape at the interception of electronic communications between elements of Al Qaeda on foreign soil with Americans in the absence of warrant. The Administration has backed off a probably legal tactic, but what ever civil liberties might have been broached are small compared to World War II when all international communications were subject to warrantless interception.

Others are bothered at to the disposition of detainees at Guantanamo Bay. Are they prisoners of war? If they are, then they can be held to the end of the War on Terror, which may be indefinitely. If they are tried in criminal courts and they are prisoners of war, it violates the Geneva Convention. The issue of illegal combatants is complicated, but perhaps the detainees can best labeled as “pirates” under international law. Whatever one thinks about this issue, its consequences are small compared to thousands of Japanese Americans detained during World War II.

While much press attention and public argument have been devoted to statistically rare and extreme civil liberties questions, glaring civil liberties issues that can effect thousands if not millions are largely ignored. Recently, the Supreme Court has allowed to circumscription of First Amendment in the vicinity of abortion clinics and an expansive view of the states’ right to eminent domain.

Add to this list of assault on civil liberties, the recent law passed by the House of Representatives on a largely party-line vote. The bill is a payback by the Democratic Party for aggressive union support. Under current law, parties can request secret ballots for workers voting to organize a union. The new Democratic bill eliminates the right to a secret ballot, making workers subject to union intimidation. Since it is the unions who are pushing for this provision, it is clear that they are convinced that in many case workers left to the free choice would reject union advances.

Unions may be frustrated in their declining membership in the face of a massive switch from a manufacturing to a service-based economy. However, this is not sufficient reason to violate the cherished principle of a secret ballot.

Now labor supporters argue that companies can intimidate workers so the unions need this advantage to counter act company activities. The argument is self-refuting considering that an open ballot would make workers more subject to company intimidation. The whole idea behind the secret ballot was to originally protect workers from company retaliation. As a general rule, whoever wishes to eliminate the secret ballot is the party that hopes to gain by intimidation. It this case, it is the unions.

The bill will likely not survive the Senate, where a filibuster will probably kill the bill before it even comes to a vote. Even if it were to pass the Senate, President Bush would exercise a rare veto. In a sense, this a free vote for Democrats, they can payback unions, without actually being responsible for a bill that undermines democratic (this time certainly with a small “d”) principles. The cynicism makes Democratic protests about civil liberties in other contexts suspect.

Indulgences for Sale

Sunday, February 25th, 2007

Catholic theology has a well-considered and well-developed sense of sin. Sin can be parsed into serious and deliberate “mortal” sins, that remove one from the state of grace or the more pedestrian “venial” sins. And, of course, there is “original” sin which we inherited through the foolish transgressions of Adam and Eve.

Fortunately, Catholic theology has an equally well-developed concepts of forgiveness and redemption, as well as procedures for obtaining pardon. Confessing to one’s priest and performing appropriate penance can relieve the guilt of sin. The burden of guilt, especially considering the prospect of post-death punishment, becomes tolerable if there is a realistic way of absolving guilt. In order to avoid “Purgatory” or even “Hell” some sort of retribution or “temporal punishment” is required

Since retribution is often performed by acts of good, the notion arose that good works can be deposited into a spiritual bank to offset sins. Present good works might be used to offset future transgressions. Once the idea that good works are fungible gained currency, it was a short step to abuse. Churches and monasteries performed good works. People could offer “alms” in the process of requesting an “indulgence” to escape temporal punishment for sins. This quickly degenerated to the effective sale of indulgences. In effect, the affluent could buy themselves out of the effects of sin.

The process grew so pervasive, that the Reformation began in large measure in response to this and similar abuses. In protest, Martin Luther posted the Power and Efficacy of Indulgences (a.k.a. the 95 Theses) on the door of the Castle Church of Wittenberg in 1517.

It is difficult not to see the analogy between the 16th century sale of indulgences and sale of greenhouse “offsets.” Affluent people who fancy them selves as “green,” the equivalent of holy in the religion of environmentalism, might find it difficult to do the good works necessary for ecological salvation. After all, they need to maintain their large homes and travel habits. Just as 16th century sinners could purchase the good works of monks, the modern day eco-minded affluent can purchase green offsets.

How far can we carry this analogy? In eco-theology, is flying in a private jet a mortal sin, while flying coach only a venial transgression? Does the CO2 present in the atmosphere when we are born considered original sin?

Even worse, many of these offsets do not directly reduce CO2 emissions, but may provide money to variety of organizations who engage in environmental advocacy or do research in energy alternatives. It is becoming an industry of its own, not immune from abuse,

Some environmentalists are now questioning the greenness of these offsets. Adam Ma’anit, co-editor of Left-wing New Internationalist Magazine, has posted his own version of the 95 Theses, complaining about the abuse of these eco-indulgences. ``For about $150 you could make a Hummer a zero-emissions vehicle just by buying offsets, Of course, the reality is you are still driving an insanely inefficient car and belching carbon like you were a finalist at the Texas annual chili eating festival every time you pop down to the local Wal-Mart for some Hot Pockets.” You have to admire Ma’anit’s formulation. He manages to snidely criticize Hummers, Texas chili, Wal-Mart and Hot Pockets in a single coherent sentence. That statement reeks of Leftist elitism.

Now far be it for any Conservative to condemn free and open markets. In may be the case, that direct CO2 markets may provide an efficient means of reducing CO2 emissions. However, we can object to the hypocrisy of the affluent living lavish lifestyles that emit disproportionate amounts of C02 pretending they are environmentally friendly.

One difficulty in reducing CO2 emissions is that the economic consequences may fall most heavily on the poor. It is a difficult trade-off that serious people must weigh. However, when the affluent buy CO2 offsets they are implicitly saying that dealing with messiness of reducing CO2 is beneath them. They have people who do that for them.