Archive for the ‘Social Commentary’ Category

What Does the Correlation Mean?

Thursday, September 6th, 2007

A study was recently published in the Journal of Family Issues that found that men who live with their girlfriends are more likely to help in household chores than similarly situated married men. This finding raises significant questions. Are men who decide to move in with their girl friends more liberal in their social attitudes and consequently less likely to assume traditional male roles? Do men who live with their girlfriends assume that the relationship is provisional and are thus on their best behavior? In married life, do men feel a greater responsibility to provide for their families and are consequently too exhausted by work to contribute as much to household maintenance than they otherwise might be?

Deeper in the report is the curious datum that men who help out around the house find that their mates are more eager to engage in sex. The implicit suggestion to men is that if you are more helpful around the house you might be rewarded by a more energetic mate willing to have sex more frequently.

Neil Chethik another sociologist was was quoted by US News as averring, “If men are interested in keeping their sex life vibrant, they may help to wash the dishes and vacuum every now and then…”’

The study in the Journal of Family Issues was written by two woman and only one man, so the alternative explanation might not come quickly to mind. Allow me to humbly submit that the causation in the housework-help-to-sex correlation might be in the opposite direction. A willingness on the part of women to engage in more frequent and boisterous sex might put men in such a positive frame of mind that they are enthusiastic about helping their mate around the house. Just a suggestion.

In Defense of a Little Hypocrisy

Monday, September 3rd, 2007

Now that Senator Larry Craig of Idaho has resigned as a consequence of the the charge of soliciting gay sex in a public restroom at the Minneapolis Airport, perhaps we have reason to consider the more general question of what constitutes hypocrisy. Craig had been an vocal advocate of “family values,” so his legal and moral predicament obviously lends itself to the charge of hypocrisy.

Hypocrisy rests on pretense; the pretense of advocating one thing and in one’s private affairs acting a different way. Unfortunately, such a strong and inflexible standard makes hypocrites of us all. All of us profess standards we aspire to but that natural human imperfections make impossible to always achieve. If we are all hypocrites, then the term looses meaning. Hypocrisy is consequently a continuum ranging from conventional human frailty to presumptuous pretense.

In the area of public policy, what is often characterized as hypocrisy is an unfair charge. Someone can genuinely advocate one public policy, while arranging one’s own private affairs differently in the context of given law. For example, one could earnestly believe that the tax deductibility of homoe mortgages should be eliminated, while at the same time taking advantage of the existing provisions of the law in one’s own finances and not be a hypocrite. It is possible to be in favor busing of students to achieve racial ntegration and send one’s own kids to private schools and not be a hypocrite. It is possible to be gay, and oppose the agenda of the most vocal gay lobby and not be a hypocrite.

As long as people advocate their positions out of humility they are generally safe from charges of hypocrisy. True hypocrisy enters with when finger-wagging pretension. If one vocally chastises others for any behavior and then gets caught red-handed violating their own strictures, the charge of hypocrisy is appropriate. This why those preachers who self-righteously extort their flocks to good moral behavior and then repeatedly engage in immoral behavior are so easily labeled as hypocrites. That is why those environmentalists who direct people to live their lives frugally yet wallow in conspicuous consumption themselves remain striking hypocrites.

Hypocrisy is a real vice and there are two ways to avoid it: (1) Combine high aspirations for behavior with a humble recognition of personal limitations, or (2) Have to no high moral aspirations one can fail to meet. The former is preferred.

Unfortunate Credulity

Sunday, August 12th, 2007

The late astronomer Carl Sagan would deal with UFO sitings or super natural claims that appeared to violate physical laws with the aphorism that “extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence.” Given that physical laws have be validated and re-validated and that many phenomena could be mistaken for alien spacecraft, if an individual wants to dispute conventional wisdom, he or she has the burden of proof and that burden increases with singularly of the claim.

It is also true that most people operate from established world views in realms of inquiry far less certain than science. Everyone maintains a certain internal narrative about how the world works. Information that conforms with the narrative is granted credence with little or evidence. While those tales that tend to contradict our narratives are subject more scrutiny. In general, this attribute is a virtue. Otherwise, people would be all sails and no rudder, lurching from one idea to the other buffeted winds of information.

Now The New Republic (TNR) is a reputable left-center journal of politics. Except for a scandal involving fabricated stories from Stephen Glass, the editors have a reputation as serious straight shooters, not given to mendacity or hyperbole. This quality is what makes the current scandal surrounding US Army Private Thomas Beauchamp’s dispatches from the Iraq so problematic. Beauchamp, whose wife works for The New Republic, is an young and aspiring writer who has been sending dispatches from Iraq. In his dispatch “Shock Troops,” Beauchamp asserted that the Iraq War was brutalizing to troops and this had manifested itself in cruel jokes about fellow soldiers who had been burned by IED’s or a Bradley Vehicle driver who passed time running over dogs.

It is certainly true that the abrasions of war can raise life-long callouses on the souls of soldiers. Though the effect of war on people can be alleviated by good leadership and training, it is very reasonable to be concerned about these effects with respect to war in general and this war in particular. Unfortunately, the editors of TNR had already developed a rigid internal narrative critical of the conduct of this war and were thus susceptible to a story that played in tho this bias. It now appears the Beauchamp knew just what resonances to strike to sound credible to TNR editors. The tales of cruelty by American soldiers warped by the Iraq War rang true to TNR editors.

However, to those in the military, the stories from Beauchamp were discordant, and soon legions of Internet fact-checkers found series flaw in Beauchamp’s stories. For example, a Bradley Fighting Vehicle may protect troops, but it is certainly not nimble enough to go dog hunting in. The Army conducted its own investigation and discredited Beauchamp’s claims. According to The Weekly Standard, a Conservative opinion journal, Beauchamp has disavowed his stories.

Ultimately, TNR conducted an investigation and stood by the original story. However, they conceded that the cruel remarks made about an IED victim were not made in Iraq, but in Kuwait before deployment to Iraq. This mistake was not inconsequential. It struck at the fundamental thesis of the article. If you are making the case that war makes people cruel, evidence of people who are mean-spirited before they go to war provides no support to the case.

When the TNR editors were faced with this journalistic scandal, they could choose to be either the prosecutors ruthlessly determined to find how and why they were deceived or defendants making less and less believable claims until their own credibility erodes. They chose the latter. However, we hope that this incident will make the TNR editors sufficiently introspective in the future that they might be able to recognize false information even when in happens to support of their own world view. It is not an easy thing to do, but it is necessary for editors to have such skills.

CNN Europe Again

Sunday, August 5th, 2007

I know its true, but it never ceases to amaze me when I visit Europe just how unselfconsciously mean-spirited and anti-American the broadcast news is there. CNN Europe makes the CNN USA and MSNBC news channels look like Fox News.

In 2003, I spent a week in Toulouse France at the same time that Saddam Hussein’s sons, Qusay and Uday Hussein, were killed in a shootout with American troops. CNN Europe covered the success cynically, arguing that Iraqis were not likely to believe that the sons were indeed killed and no longer a threat unless some proof was provided. The very next day photographs of the corpses of the sons were made available. At this point, CNN Europe complained that the photographs were inappropriately proactive. Now, it is probably logically possible to hold the two positions expressed one day apart. However, it would have been heartening if they had at least acknowledged that the photographs had met the need for proof they had demanded just one day before.

I have just returned from a week and a half in Spain in Italy, with a renewed opportunity to experience CNN Europe. This time, CNN Europe was faced with the politically inconvenient fact that American troop casualties had fallen dramatically since May. This fact makes the fatalism about Iraq appear premature. To offset this good news, CNN Europe warned that the progress had come at the cost of accommodations with local Sunnis that might come back to haunt the US. The next day Sunni leaders walked out of the Iraqi National Assembly. CNN Europe then worried that without Sunni cooperation there was little hope of success in Iraq. It is hard to escape the conclusion that CNN Europe’s only consistent editorial policy is that what all news coming from Iraq must be portrayed in the most worst light possible. No wonder Europeans have such a negative view of Americans.

Free speech and a free press, even if so overtly biased represent important pillar in a free society. With respect to people who perpetrate incorrect opinions, Thomas Jefferson once noted that: “… let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it.” We can only hope that alternative media will be able to provide Europe with sufficient unfiltered information that reason has enough raw material with which to work.

Claiming Our Past

Sunday, July 15th, 2007

Memory is key to self-identify both for individuals and communities. Knowing and understanding our past places the present in context. In order to make reasonable extrapolations into the future, the present must be anchored to the past. Change our memories and understanding of the past and you change who we are now and who are likely to evolve into. This is reason why the teaching of history is so important and  why some recent events are so discouraging.

Perhaps the most consequential British citizen of the twentieth century was Winston Churchill. It was Churchill’s poetic articulation of English resolve that sustained the English during the Battle of Britain and led to victory in WWII against the Nazism and Fascism. Now we find that Churchill is to be dropped from England’s history syllabus in part to make room for practical life skills. It is not so much that Churchill is being dropped in favor of other more favored by contemporary standards. “Adolf Hitler, Mahatma Gandhi, Joseph Stalin and Martin Luther King” have also been dropped. It is that without a knowledge of the monumental struggles of the past, we an incapable of drawing experience and inspiration from these struggles. The lost of the past does not focus us on the future, but robs from the future and make us entirely a present-tense society. The British could only be bucked up with Churchill’s words, “we arise again and take our stand for freedom as in olden time” if there was an olden time to which the British could recall.

What is happening in Britain appears less malicious than foolish. Perhaps we cannot be so generous in our estimation of American efforts to create politically correct history text books. William Bennett reports that the National History standards emphasize Soviet space activities and the Challenger accident with nary a mention of the Moon landing. There is one textbook that devotes more space to Clinton’s reinventing government than Eisenhower’s interstate highway system

The Washington Post reports the difficulty in teaching literature from such classics as Mark Twain’s Huckleberry Finn or Harper Lee’s To Kill a Mockingbird because of the some of the language is racially offensive. Ironically, considered in the context of the times, both books represented radical notions of racial equality. Now these authors are not appreciated by those who do not have a sufficient historical perspective to appreciate the work.

There has been renewed interest in our Founding Fathers given some recent best selling books such ad David McCullough’s John Adams, Joseph Ellis’s His Excellency: George Washington and Ron Chernow’s Alexander Hamilton. Doris Kearns Goodwin managed to provide additional insight on Abraham Lincoln’s political skill in Team of Rivals. Certainly, William Bennett is doing his part publishing the two volume best selling history of the US, America: The Last Best Hope. However, these appeal primarily to adults and young people probably already interested and literate in history.

Perhaps we can work in our local communities to make sure that history is given its proper priority in the curriculum. However, it an arduous task likely to consume years of effort. This is a time for the entertainment industry to step into the breach and provide popular re-tellings of history. If the fictional Pirates of the Caribbean, Lord of the Rings, and Harry Potter can draw large young audiences, surely stories from the greatest political story every told can be made interesting.

Journalistic Disclosure

Sunday, June 24th, 2007

About a year ago Linda Greenhouse, Supreme Court correspondent for the New York Times, was at the center of a small media controversy. In a speech after winning the 2006 Radcliffe Institute Medalist, Ms. Greenhouse complained of a “sustained assault on women’s reproductive freedom and the hijacking of public policy by religious fundamentalism” and that the “government turned its energy and attention away from upholding the rule of law and toward creating law-free zones at Guantanamo Bay, Abu Ghraib, Haditha and other places around the world — [such as] the U.S. Congress.” This is not the first time that Greenhouse has draw attention her private positions on public issues. In 1989, she participated in an abortion rights rally, telegraphing her personal opinion on the seminal Rov v. Wade Supreme Court decision. Greenhouse’s opinions represent conventional, if pedestrian, Left-wing belief common in New York and perhaps even a more universal set of convictions at the New York Times.

At the time, Greenhouse was criticized by the Daniel Okrent, the public editor of the New York Times, for making clear the perspective she brings to her work. According to Okrent, “It’s been a basic tenet of journalism … that the reporter’s ideology [has] to be suppressed and submerged, so the reader has absolute confidence that what he or she is reading is not colored by previous views.”

At that time, we supported and endorsed here Greenhouse’s freedom and even obligation, to make clear her political positions. We don’t doubt Greehouse’s sincere efforts to cover Supreme Court as professionally as she can. However, in the interest of full disclosure it is salutary that her readers now know what perspectives inform the way she views the world.

This week a similar controversy erupted when MSNBC scanned public elections records and found that of the 143 journalists they could identify, 125 had donated to Democrats and Liberal causes while only 16 gave to Republicans or Conservative causes. Even the ethics columnist from the New York Times was found contributing to MoveOn.org. According the MSNBC many news organizations were trying to crack down on such activities.

The MSNBC story was interesting first and foremost because it provided yet more evidence to buttress the general consensus that the major media lean heavily Left. The New York Times was upset at the revelations because, “Given the ease of Internet access to public records of campaign contributors, any political giving by a Times staff member would carry a great risk of feeding a false impression that the paper is taking sides.” One is left to wonder if campaign donation records were less accessible the Times would be as upset. The NY Times is worried about appearing the by taking sides. It no longer needs to worry; the side that it has chosen is now common knowledge.

We find the public disclosure of the political opinions of journalists to be a matter of necessary public transparency. If a journalist holds opinions so strongly that he or she is willing to donate to candidates and causes, it is likely that such perspectives do affect the way that he or she covers stories. Everyone has a built-in narrative of the way that the world is. There are many stories that could be reported and only a finite amount of time and effort that can be devoted. Honesty demands that stories chosen fit the world view of the reporter. If you believe that climate change is an important issue you might cover that more than crime rates. If woman’s rights issues are important to reporter, perhaps those stories will receive higher priority than stories about inflation or corruption on the city council. Even if each particular story presents both sides, the collective effect of covering certain stories more than others influences the tenor of coverage. Imagine the different perspectives conveyed if one news organizations reported every morning about the grief of a relative who had lost a soldier in Iraq and another organization provided examples of martial heroisms. All the stories presented could, within their context, be absolutely true. However, the collective effect of two different topics of coverage would be radically different.

Politicians are many times required to disclose financial interests that might affect their positions on public issues. Although there should be no law requiring such disclosure, knowledge of the politics of reporters is valuable to consumers of news.

Pew Research on Muslim-Americans

Monday, May 28th, 2007

The conventional pattern for immigrant groups in the United States is assimilation within a generation or so. More than other societies, the American culture is commercial one which tends to wash over religious and ethnic differences. In a commercial society, it makes little difference where a neighbor worships, what type of clothing he wears, or what unique food he eats at home as long as his commercial transactions are acceptable. Moreover, religious tolerance has been institutionalized since the nation’s founding. In addition, the children of immigrants are often rapidly assimilated in schools where they quickly acquire and influence the popular culture.

It was, therefore, heartening that a recent nation-wide Pew Research poll, that interviewed over 1,000 Muslims, found that middle-class Muslims were following the traditional assimilation pattern. The title of the report even suggests a certain optimism: Muslim Americans: Middle Class and Mostly Mainstream. The report finds Muslim Americans “to be largely assimilated, happy with their lives, and moderate with respect to many of the issues that have divided Muslims and Westerners around the world.”

From a Conservative perspective, there are some worrisome results from the poll. For example, most Muslims support a larger government that provides more services and as a consequence voted overwhelming for John Kerry in the last election. Although foreign-born Muslims were more likely to have voted for Kerry, interestingly they were less likely to do so than American-born Muslims.

Social Liberals might be concerned by the fact that Muslim-Americans believe that homosexuality should be discouraged by more than a two-to-one margin. Muslims are more socially conservative than Americans as a whole.

However, these issues are small compared to some very disturbing ideas held by a minority of young American Muslims. While an overwhelming majority of all Muslim-Americans do not believe that the suicide bombing of civilians are ever justified, fully 15% of Muslim-Americans between 18-29 believe that such bombings are “often or sometimes justified.” The press has reported that number as high as 26%, but it only grew that large when you include the 11% of who believe that bombings are “rarely” as opposed to “never” justified.

It is also unfortunate, that a significant fraction of Muslim-Americans are in denial with regard to the 9/11 attacks. Half of Muslim-Americans over 55 believe that that the 9/11 attacks were carried out by “groups of Arabs.” By contrast, 40% of Muslim-Americans between the ages of 18-29 believe that Arabs were not involved.

Perhaps the views of young, radical Muslim-Americans will be become more mainstream as these people age and grow to be more personally invested in American society. Nonetheless, the extremism of a small but significant minority of Muslim-Americans is a cause for long-term concern.

The Consequences of Pelosi’s Visit to Syria

Sunday, May 27th, 2007

The recent visit of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi to Syria was the occasion of much discussion as to the appropriateness of the visit. Did the trip represent wise policy, a way to reduce Syrian provocations in Iraq and Lebanon? Did the trip intrude upon the Constitutional prerogatives of the President? If the trip had been clearly successful, questions about Constitutional propriety would be quickly forgotten. However, just the opposite has happened.

The New York Observer recently reports that Syrian President Bashar al-Assad concluded from the trip that the American public was split on foreign policy and that is now safe to oppose American interests. The immediate effect was a crack down on dissidents. The New York Observer quotes a woman’s rights activist in Syria as complaining that “Pelosi’s visit made the regime feel that Americans were divided on how to deal with Syria…This sends a message to the regime that the pressure is off, that it can do what it likes.” Pelosi’s visit allowed Syria to feel freer to sentence Syrian dissident Kamal Labwani for daring to meet with American officials during a visit to Washington in 2005.

Pelosi’s visit also did not alleviate Syrian meddling with its neighbors and perhaps accelerated it. There are credible reports that Syria is now smuggling arms and munitions to Fatah Al-Islam, a terrorist group which is destabilizing Lebanon and triggering violent clashes with the Lebanese army. Pelosi’s visit did not preclude these actions, and it is at least possible that the visit made it a little easier in Assad’s mind to exercise his destructive influence in Lebanon.

Pelosi’s present ideas seem to contradict ones from her past. In 2003, she argued that “One of the lessons learned thus far in the war on terrorism is that there can be no success without disrupting the support networks on which terrorists rely. Rhetoric has thus far not been effective in encouraging the Syrian government to cease its assistance to terrorists, and to remove its forces from Lebanon.” Now in 2007, Pelosi appears enamored by the potential effectiveness of rhetoric and discussion. It is difficult to escape the notion that she visited Syria because the Bush Administration opposed such a high-level contact. If President George Bush did not want her to visit Syria, to Pelosi this was dispositive evidence that she should visit.

Pelosi’s problem is not a lack of good intentions. She certainly wants Syria to reduce the oppression of its citizens and its destabilizing actions on neighboring countries. As a consequence of their adult experience and the nature of their professions, politicians from democracies suffer from the conceit that all differences are splittable and agreements can always be reached through discussions. By contrast, tyrants, who rule by force and not through popular assent, desperately seek legitimacy. Friendly visits from high-level, democratically-elected leaders lend such legitimacy. Politicians, like Pelosi, consider such visits as simple courtesies, not as concessions. Unintentionally, Pelosi’s visit handed Assad a victory without extracting any comparable concession from Assad.

It is sometimes necessary to communicate with bloody regimes like Assad’s. In such cases, it is possible to send middle-level officials discretely or to work through intermediaries. The moral authority granted by the visits of high-level officials should be reserved for those cases when a comparable concession is extracted.

Bush Derangement Syndrome: Again

Sunday, May 20th, 2007

Only a tiny number of votes separated then Governor George Bush and the Vice-President Al Gore in the 2000 presidential election. George Bush was finally determined to have won a majority of votes in Florida, a majority of the Electoral College, and consequently the election for president. All this occurred despite the fact that Al Gore received a small, but very real majority, of the popular vote. The controversy had the salutary effect of reminding us of the thoughts of The Founders on the structure of government. Unfortunately, the close election also aroused deep partisan antipathy that has continued to this day. For some number of angry Democrats, Bush was “selected” not “elected.” Use of this expression at a Democratic gathering is as sure to arouse a positive response. Some Democrats have never internally accepted Bush’s legitimacy, and it shows.

One might have thought that Bush’s clear victory in 2004 (286-251 in the Electoral College and 53.16% to 46.65% in the popular vote) would dispel disputes about Bush’s legitimacy. Perhaps still yoked to their residual anger from 2000, Democratic partisans could not pull away from belief that the Swift Boat political ads, disputing Senator John Kerry war hero status, unfairly tipped the election to Bush’s favor. If anything, the anti-Bush antipathy hardened rather than eased after 2004. Indeed, Charles Krauthammer, a former psychiatrist, coined the phrase “Bush Derangement Syndrome” to describe otherwise normal people who seem loose their grip on rationality whenever the subject touches on President George Bush. Krauthammer’s clinical description of the syndrome is “the acute onset of paranoia in otherwise normal people in reaction to the policies, the presidency — nay — the very existence of George W. Bush.”

This week a Rasmussen poll documented the most recent manifestation of this pernicious affliction. Released on May 4, 2007, the poll reported that:

“Democrats in America are evenly divided on the question of whether George W. Bush knew about the 9/11 terrorist attacks in advance. Thirty-five percent (35%) of Democrats believe he did know, 39% say he did not know, and 26% are not sure.”

If Bush knew about 9/11 in advance, he might have picked a more heroic circumstance to be found in than reading a story about a pet goat to elementary school children in Sarasota Florida during the attacks. Indeed, the Left blogosphere spent the last six years portraying Bush reaction to 9/11 as one of confusion and disorientation. If Bush knew about 9/11 in advance, he could have flown directly back to Washington in faux bravery rather than hopscotching from an Air Force base in Louisiana to one in Nebraska. If we may expand on Krauthammer’s initial work, another symptom of Bush Derangement Syndrome is the ability to simultaneous and fervently believe two contradictory propositions.

There is no plausible evidence that Bush knew in advance about 9/11, so how can so many Democrats maintain such a ludicrous proposition? Of course, there are always the extremists lurking in the muck at the ends of the political spectrum. The far Left and their associated web sites have been propagating such theories on Bush’s advance knowledge of 9/11. In addition, through the efforts of popular, though intellectually undisciplined, entertainers like Rosie O’Donnell or movie producers like Michael Moore, these notions and similarly improbable ones have been deliberately spread to infect the main stream consciousness. Such efforts, however, would not be fruitful if serious Democrats and others did not acquiesce to the crazies in their midst. Former President Jimmy Carter lent credibility to Moore by inviting him to his box at the Democratic National Convention, while Rosie O’Donnell has a daily presence on ABC’s The View. The View’s credibility is undergirded by ABC’s news correspondent Barbara Walters.

The Right is not immune to such attitudes. During the Clinton Administration and during particular embarrassing times with respect to impeachment and the Monica Lewinsky scandal, President Bill Clinton launched military strikes against Iraq and Afghanistan. Some Republican lawmakers wondered out loud whether these attacks represented a “Wag the Dog” scenario. However, the notion was never strongly pushed by Republicans.

The problem with the rise in saliency of vicious anti-Bush ideas is that such hatred needs fuel to survive. Believers must either consume themselves or spread their hatred to others. If the first turns out to be the case, extremists on the Left will burn brightly for a short time, but in the end consume themselves alone and be forgotten. If the latter turns out to be the case, the hatred will spread to others parts of the polity. That is the real danger.

Conservatives Hardened By Being on the Defensive

Sunday, May 13th, 2007

Consider the proposition that in modern America, Conservatives tend to be more articulate, better debaters, and less given to foolish remarks. The reason behind this difference is not that Conservatives are inherently smarter or more eloquent, it is that Conservatives are immersed in a popular culture informed by a media that is largely unsympathetic to Conservatives. Conservative are justifiably on the defensive. As a consequence, if one has Conservatives inclinations, one soon learns that one needs to be better informed and practiced in making arguments. Many Liberals live in environments that never challenge their notions and hence their ability to debate atrophies. While Conservatives may be just as likely as others to have a foolish thought cross their minds, they have been taught to exercise a little more verbal discipline.

Thus, it was not surprising when Conservative Sean Hannity was judged by viewers in a KSL-TV poll to have won a debate with the Liberal Salt Lake City Mayor Ross Anderson, 58% to 24%. By conventional standards, it was a crushing rhetorical defeat for Anderson [1]. Part of the problem for Anderson is that he is accustomed to giving speeches to those who are largely already in agreement with him. Hannity by contrast, debates nightly with his counterpart Alan Colmes and must occasionally deal with hostile callers to his radio program. Direct debate and argument are acquired skills.

My guess is that as a matter of inherent skill and intelligence Hannity and Anderson are comparable. Why then was Hannity so victorious in their debate? The problem lies in that Anderson has been so immersed in the Left’s approach to the war and its irrational anti-Bush bashing that he assumed upon himself an impossibly high debate standard to meet. Anderson tried to argue that, “Given the scale, frequency and moral depravity of these outrages, President Bush must be held to account through impeachment and removal from office, if we do not call for accountability, we are complicit.”

I am sure that among Anderson’s friends and staff, he has drawn raucous cheers for making similar statements and he felt confident entering into the debate on the basis of such an extreme position. However, for the purposes of debate, Anderson buried himself with an un-winnable position. He could have taken a position that was more moderate position, still critical of Bush’s policies, and might have prevailed. Conservatives, always prepared for debate in a hostile context, would typically not make such a tactical mistake.

On the other side of the country, we find an example of how Liberals living in a cocoon of agreement among their peers are apt to make foolish statements. Apparently, someone had defaced a radio station advertisement for Rush Limbaugh, an event, had it occurred in other contexts, would have be called a hate crime. Instead, it was just another example of Left-wing commitment to free speech, at least the free speech of those they agree with.

The event might have passed unnoticed except for the fact that the Baltimore Sun reported that Robert Murrow of the Department of Public Works beamed about the defacement: “It looks great. It did my heart good.” The Baltimore Sun did not consider the comment remarkable until the story unleashed a furry on the Internet and talk radio. The Department of Public Works quickly distanced itself from the apparent endorsement of the destruction of private property. Although cooler heads prevailed, the question is what environment makes it easy for a public employee in Baltimore to make such a comment to a newspaper without fear of consequence? Is it alright to deface Conservative property? Had someone defaced a campaign ad for Barack Obana would anyone have be crazy enough to say “It looks great. It did my heart good,” even if such an ugly thought came across their mind?


[1] It is interesting to note that the KSL-TV report was so disappointed at the outcome that you had read to the fourth paragraph in their on-line report to learn that more than twice as many people thought Hannity had won.