Archive for the ‘Politics’ Category

Voter Intimidation in Philadelphia

Sunday, July 11th, 2010

On November 4, 2008, Barack Obama became the first black American to be elected President of the United States. Obama carried the election with nearly 53% of the vote. A large fraction of the remainder might have been disappointed from a political standpoint, but could not help feeling a sense of pride that to a large measure the racial bigotry that had been America’s original sin had been cleansed from our collective souls.

On the same day, New Black Panther Party member, King Samir Shabazz, stood in front of a Philadelphia poll brandishing a bludgeon and intimidating poll workers and voters. Christopher Hill, a poll watcher, was called a “cracker” by Shabazz. Bartle Bull claims it was the worst case of voter intimidation that he had ever witnessed. Bull’s claim carries significant weight since he served as a civil rights lawyer in the South in the 1960’s.

Though eyewitness claims are important, this incident might have devolved into a clash of testimonies had there not been video showing Shabazz in paramilitary gear strutting at the entrance of a Philadelphia polling place. Further, Shabazz made himself a less sympathetic character when claiming on another video at a different time that if “if you want freedom you’re going to have to kill some crackers, you’re going to have to kill some of their babies.”

The Chair of US Civil Rights Commission reported the facts of the case as:

“On November 4th, 2008, two members of the New Black Panther Party appeared at a polling station in Philadelphia. Video evidence and eyewitness testimony show that these two members standing athwart the entrance of the polling place dressed in paramilitary uniforms with black combat boots. One of them brandished a nightstick. They hurled racial epithets at whites and blacks alike, taunting poll watchers and poll observers, who were there to aid voters and, according to evidence adduced during our hearing last month, caused some voters who sought to cast their votes that day to turn and leave the polling place, rather than have to contend with them.”

Shabazz advocates a very radical ideology and no one claims that he represents any more than a tiny, tiny fraction of the population. Nonetheless, his intimidating actions in front of the polling area clearly deserved prosecution to maintain the integrity of the voting process. Under the Bush Administration, the prosecution began and a default judgment won that would have kept Shabazz away from polling places indefinitely. This was to be followed by further prosecutions of the New Black Panther Party for voting rights violations.

The Obama Administration had an easy decision to make. Simply maintain the prosecution and demonstrate that racial politics will not be tolerated on the part of anyone. Obama was supposed to represent a transition to a post-racial society. What better way to demonstrate that the Obama Department of Justice (DOJ) would not permit racial politics?

Unfortunately, the Obama Justice Department stood down the prosecution against the leaders of the New Black Panther Party and accepted a decreased the judgment against Shabazz prohibiting from polling places in Philadelphia only until 2012.  J. Christian Adams an attorney at the DOJ resigned after being instructed by apolitical appointee not to pursue the case. Christopher Coastes also stepped down as Chief of the Voting Rights Division, when his recommendation to pursue the case was denied.

The Civil Rights Commission is now investigating the entire case and the DOJ’s response to it. The Obama Administration is likely to be further embarrassed. All presidential administrations commit unforced errors and the decision to back off this prosecution is one such misstep. The disappointment is that this error undermines the hope that the Obama Administration could further racial reconciliation. There is no doubt that Obama himself seeks such reconciliation. He should insure that all his subordinates do as well.

A Unique Economic Situation

Sunday, July 4th, 2010

Economic analysis is complicated by the fact that controlled experiments are generally not possible. One cannot test different policy prescriptions on exact same economy and evaluate the different results. Arguments are made by analogy to previous circumstances. For this reason, it is difficult to conjure up a consensus among economists as to the best way to help the American economy recover from its current high unemployment and sluggishness.

There are two basic schools of thought: one that emphasizes monetary policy and one fiscal policy. Is the economy more or less responsive to controlling the money supply or federal taxation and spending, or some combination.

Milton Friedman won the Nobel prize in economics in 1976, for his explication of monetary policy and in part on his analysis of monetary policy during the Great Depression. Friedman argued that that collapse of the economy in the 1930s after its initial signs of trouble was caused the exact wrong policy followed by the central bank. The central back tightened rather than loosenes the money supply cause radical deflation and a lack of money available for investment.

The economist John Maynard Keynes is the champion of fiscal policy. Keynes has argued that federal deficits make up for demand in the private sector during recessions and provide a means for recovery. It should be noted deficits can be increased either by increased spending on reducing taxes

Since the banking crisis in 2008, the Federal Reserve has loosened the money supply about as much as it could. Perhap by this more than any other policy, the Federal Research helped avert a 1930s-like collapse in economic activity. At this point, however, the Federal Research has exhausted much of its ammunition. Interests rates are at historic lows. Monetary policy has helped, but all the Federal Reserve can do now is maintain a loose monetary policy until a strong recovery commenses.

In February 2009, after the immediate banking crisis had abated, the Obama Administration passed its stimulus package with nearly a trillion dollars of deficit spending. Results have been at best mixed. Growth remains anemic and unemployment and under employment remain much higher than the Obama Administration promised. Nobel-prize winning economist and NY Times columnist, Paul Krugman, recently argued that given the lack of economic response, we need to re-double fiscal stimulus. We note in passing that Krugman always argues from more governement spending and not reduced taxes. Either would increase the fiscal stimulus.

We submit the thesis here, that additional fiscal stimulus now would be ineffective because of collective physcology. Given the massive deficits we have already incurred, people will become more apprehensive about the future and hoard cash if the deficit increases much more. The problem was that the Obama stimulus was accompanied with health care changes and progressive agenda that promised not a one-time fiscal punch, but a fiscal trajectory that would incur even greater deficits or significant tax increases. In the face of this uncertainity, people are saving more. in anticipation of future bad times. Ironically, this fear is suppressing consumer demand. Business, also faced with uncertainty, sits greater than average cash reserves.

By creating what seemed to be a permanent and expontenially expanding deficit, rather than a short-term stimulus, the Obama Administration undermined the effectiveness of its signature economic policy. At this point, the best that can done is to reduce uncertainity by maintaining the current tax code and creating an economic plan that restrains federal spending. In any case, it will take a long time to dig out of the current situation, but if certainty returns, businesses will be more willing to invest their acccumulations of cash and consumers wil be more willing to spend some of their savings.

Petraeus’s Sweet Revenge

Sunday, June 27th, 2010

We noted here several months ago that Vice President Joseph Biden was claiming Iraq as an Administration success. We argued then that we know that a policy has been a success when everyone claims credit for it. Before Democrats were in agreement that George Bush’s surge policy in Iraq would not work and would increase violence. When the exact opposite happened, the first response was to argue that Iraq would have improved under any circumstances in spite of anything that Bush did. The final end to the cycle is when the original opponents to the policy claim credit for its results.

We have additional evidence this week of the consensus that the surge worked. In light of the intemperate remarks of General Stanley McChrystal with regard to civilian leadership, President Barack Obama appointed General David Petraeus, the architect of the surge strategy in Iraq, to command US efforts in Afghanistan. Certainly, if Petraeus’s signature policy, the surge in Iraq, had been a failure or at best an accidental success, there would have been little reason to place such trust in Patraeus.

The success of Barack’s foreign policy will be in large measure dependent on success in Afghanistan which in turn is dependent on the military and political competence of Patraeus. The irony is that in 2007, when Patraeus appeared before Congress in defense of the surge policy, MoveOn.org, ran an ad asking “General Petraeus or General Betray Us?” Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, then Senator Clinton, refused to condemn the ad. Then Senator Obama also refused to condemn the ad unless other ads were condemned.

Patraeus proves that competence and success are the sweetest revenge. Given Patraeus’s stature, it seems that he could push Afghanistan policy in any direction he feels appropriate. If he chose to resign rather than implement an Obama policy he does not believe in, any failure in Afghanistan would resound on the Obama Administration.

Do the Polls Indicate Obama Should Move to the Left?

Sunday, June 6th, 2010

The Rasmussen polls have a demonstrated history of accuracy at least in terms of election outcomes. This pollster has managed to accurately identify likely voters in a way that mimics election results. They certainly nailed the percentage differences in the 2008 President elections. All polls have their idiosynrcaies, especially in terms of the absolute values. However, most polls do an excellent job in tracking changes in pulblic sentiment.

All national polls have some presidential approval metric. RealClearPolitics.com tracks an average of many polls. President Barack Obama’s composite approval rating at the start of his Administration was in the plus-60% range. In recent months, the approval has fallen below the 50% mark.

Over the last few years, Rasmussen polls have focuses on an additional metric, the difference between those who strongly approve and those who strongly disapprove of the President’s performance. The goal is measure voter intensity. At the beginning of the Obama’s term, the strongly approve numbers were over 40% while the strongly disapproval number were well below 20%.

The plot below shows the temporal changes in this metric. In the summer of 2009, when new government medical plan was under ernest consideration, the President’s numbers were rapdily changing. Around August, the percentage of people who strongly approved of Obama’s performance fell consistently below the percentage of those who who strongly disapprove.

What is interesting is that the number of people who strongly disapprove seems relatively stable at about 40%. However, the number of who strongly approve seems to be strongly dependent on specific events. For example, in January 2010, after the State of the Union address, Obama’s supporters were heartened and some of those who register approval moved into the strongly approves category. However, that poll pop was short lived.

Immediately after the passage of the health care bill, the frustration of Obama’s supporters about the bill wes eased, and Obama experienced a longer-lived increase in the numbers who strongly approve. However, the strong approvers have dwindled since then. Whether because the glow of the passage of the health care bill has dimmed or because of the tragic oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico, fewer and fewer people strongly approve of the President’s performance.

Midterm election are often an referendum on presidential leadership and a president’s party. Moreover, midterms elections are more strongly dependent on enthusiasm that fuels turn out. Since the overall presidential approval ratings and Obama’s strong disapproval ratings have stabilized, it would seem wise for Obama to veer to the Left to shore up the energy of his strong supporters.

When Free Speech Degenerates to Threats

Sunday, May 30th, 2010

There can sometimes be a fine difference between Constitutionally protected free speech and criminal threats. Criminal intimidation may involve speech, but such speech does not fall under the shield of the First Amendment. Cross burning provides a compelling example. While ugly speech expressing racial hatred is permitted, those same sentiments expressed by cross burning are not. The reason is that cross burning was widely practiced by groups like the Klu Klux Klan as a direct threat against black people and others who sympathized with the plight of blacks. Hence, historical practice has caused cross burning to be unequivocally associated with a clear and direct threat of physical harm.

Protests and marches can sometimes straddle the distinction between First Amendment rights and unlawful behavior. Marching around a government building, for example, to express displeasure with a government policy is protected by the First Amendment. If such marches are meant to physically prevent the free passage of others, or if members act in ways that a reasonable person would feel physically intimated, the right of “people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances” degenerates into unlawful behavior. In many cases, we must rely on the judgment of local police officers to recognize the distinction. Rightly, the general rule has been to grant fairly large latitude to protestors.

We submit here that the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) crossed the line in the protest at the home of Greg Baer, counsel the Bank of America. About 500 members of the  SEIU and National Political Action another Progressive group (out of Chicago) assembled on the front lawn of Greg Baer. They were there ostensibly to protest foreclosures by the banks on delinquent mortgages. The group actually occupied the home’s porch with bullhorns blasting chants. The activities were sufficiently disconcerting that Baer’s teenage son, the only one home, took refuge in a locked bathroom in the house. The fact that the young man was afraid does not alone provide proof that the SEIU and its allies were a threatening crowd. However, other facts suggest that the purpose of the group was intimidation.

  1.  Usually protestors notify any major media groups that will listen in the hopes that the presence of media will amplify whatever message they are trying to send. The only media present was a sympathetic reporter for the Huffington Post.  This was clearly not a message meant for the public, but at an individual.
  2. Protests are usually conducted at places of business or other public places. A protest at a private residence directed against a particular individual more closely resembles the mob scene in Frankenstein that it does arm-in-arm parades of the Civil Rights movement.
  3. When the local, Montgomery County Maryland police were called in, the hapless officers who responded were intimated. Nina Easton, the next door neighbor of Baer and Bureau Chief of Fortune Magazine, reported that the officers were afraid that the attempts to clear the property of protesters would “incite” trespassing protesters. While the discretion of the officers may have been wise, it does suggest that the mood of the crowd was not congenial.

The ease with which SEIU was able to execute this threatening assembly and the fact that it has been essentially uncovered in the major press is frightening. Indeed, the ombudsman of the Washington Post was also concerned by the lack of coverage. One Washington Post reader suggested that if a group of Tea Party protestors assembled on the lawn of a Congressman and frightened his family, the story would have been above the fold on the front page.

The Success of the Stimulus Package is a Matter of Faith

Sunday, May 23rd, 2010

One of the powerful disciplines of science is the requirement that the validity of a theory is judged by how well it makes predictions. For example, the physical laws of motion are incredibly well validated by their ability to make very precise and accurate long-term predictions of the motion of the planets. The virtue of this discipline is that it allows theories to be both validated and refuted. This separates science from faith. Indeed, any well-constructed prediction ought to have clear measures of success or failure. Unfortunately, this discipline is difficult to apply to the social sciences. Nonetheless, difficulty in application does not render this approach useless.In January of 2009, a President Barack Obama economic team following predictions for unemployment both with and without the President’s stimulus package. The web site Innocent Bystanders has reproduced the Administration’s graph along with actual data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics. The graph is shown below:

The key prediction was if the stimulus were not passed unemployment would peek at 9% while with the stimulus package the unemployment would not exceeded 8%. In actuality, the maximum unemployment peaked over 10% and has persisted much longer than predicted. According the the Administration, at this point we should have 7.5% unemployment rather than 9.9%. Most discouraging at this point, is that newest prediction of the Administration predicts unemployment lingering above 8% through 2012, falling at a slower rate than the Administration expected for unemployment with no stimulus package. One hopes that this prognostication will not be an under prediction.The facts above are not disputed, however their interpretation certainly is. Indeed, President Obama himself has said: “If the ‘just say no’ crowd had won out..if we had done things the way they wanted to go, we’d be in a deeper world of hurt than we are right now.”Consider the three possible outcomes of the stimulus package with respect to the unemployment predictions. If the unemployment rate dropped faster than predicted, then the President and his Administration would have justifiably crowed about their success. If the unemployment rate largely followed the original Obama Administration predictions, even with fairly broad margins of error, the Administration could have persuasively argued that their policies worked as expected. Now that the unemployment rate has soared past the original predictions, the Administration is arguing that the economy would have been worst had their been no stimulus package.The key thesis here is that regardless of the actual economic situation, the Administration supporters will argue that the stimulus package was beneficial. There is no possible outcome, (positive, neutral, or negative) that could, in their eyes, have demonstrated that the stimulus package has failed. The value of the stimulus has become a matter of faith separated from the facts. If you don’t agree with this conclusion, ask an Administration supporter, what set of economic facts would have been evidence that the stimulus did not work.

Elena Kagan Will Not Shift to the Right

Sunday, May 16th, 2010

Until recently, a persistent problem that plagued Conservative presidents was that their Supreme Court appointees tended to drift Left, sometimes far to the Left, during their tenures. Currently retiring Justice John Paul Stevens, appointed by President Gerald Ford, represents a prime example.

Stevens likes to argue that he has been rock of consistency while the stream of the country has moved to the Right. Stevens self-portrayal would be more persuasive if he had not shifted positions on so many important issues. As Stuart Taylor of the National Journal has pointed out: Stevens was originally against racial preferences and now regularly decides in favor of them. Stevens originally believed that the death penalty was Constitutional, now he does not. From defendants’ rights to Medicaid Abortions, Stevens has slid inexorably to the Left.

Perhaps the most obvious indication of Stevens’s change in perspective is that he waited until Barack Obama became president to retire. He could have left the Court at age 88 under President George W. Bush just as easily as retiring now at 90. By any political calculus, President George W. Bush is closer to President Gerald Ford than President Barack Obama. By his deliberate selection of retirement date, Stevens, in effect, decided he wanted a Liberal judge to succeed him.There is nothing ignoble about changing one’s mind, especially if one can articulate cogent reasons for the changes. but it is disingenuous for Stevens pretend that he really has not.

There are many reasons for the traditional shift to the Left. The Washington establishment, national press, and law schools are quick to lavish praise on Conservative justices that“grow” or “evolve” in office — so long as the growth is to the Left. Everyone enjoys being held in esteem and it hard to underestimate the effect of rave or negative reviews over the long run. Perhaps the largest factor in shifts to the Left is the inherent temptation of the law for judges: the temptation to morph the law to achieve what a judge believes is a positive social outcome.

This temptation is so great, that for a Constitutionalist judge to maintain fidelity to the Constitution, he or she must bring to the Court at least two qualities. First such a judge needs the intellectual conviction, that the job of the judge is interpret and apply the law, not make wise policy and the humility to believe it. Specifically, he or she must have a “judicial temperament.” Second, a Conservative judge that maintains his or her position over time must have the intellectual power and familiarity with the law to withstand years and decades of debate with equally intelligent justices.

Justices John Roberts and Sam Alito were chosen for these qualities. The choice of Harriett Meyers by President Bush was met with consternation by Conservatives, which largely undermined her nomination, precisely becaue she possessed none of these qualities.

How then should we consider the nomination of Elena Kagan? She qualified by her legal background, but has little judicial experience. She is, to a large extent, a “stealth” candidate. Her positions, save on a few issues, are not conspicuous. Liberals do not have worry t she will be pulled to the Right. There is few in Washington tugging in that direction. More likely she will begin with mainstream Liberal positions and slide further to the Left. She will be lauded by the press as for her intellectual stature and her concern for the least fortunate. She has not been a judge and therefore has little time to develop a judicial temperament required for Constitutional fidelity. Judging from her picture on the cover of the Wall Street Journal, her only inclination to the Right is her rather good batting stance.

Robert Gibbs Remark Reveals the Perspective of the Left

Sunday, May 9th, 2010

Every president should probably be excused one inept White House Press Secretary. President George W. Bush endured the dear-in-the-headlights Scott McClellan, who embarrassed the Bush Administration both before and after his tenure. McClellan was followed by one of the most articulate and press-savvy press secretaries ever, Tony Snow. Poor President Barack Obama presently endures Robert Gibbs.

Recently, Gibbs radically mischaracterized a criticism by the former FEMA Director Michael Brown on the Obama Administration response to the massive oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico caused by the explosion of a BP oil platform. This issue should have been a softball for Gibbs. Brown had been roundly criticized for his handling of Katrina in the Bush Administration. Brown has not earned much credibility on how to handle a catastrophe. Gibbs squandered the rhetorical opportunity by wrongly asserting that Brown had charged that the oil spill was deliberately planned by the Obama Administration. Brown had really charged that the Obama Administration had not been as quick in response as they should have been to reduce public support for offshore oil drilling. Brown’s charge was extraordinary and without proof, but Gibbs made Brown a sympathetic figure by his gross exaggeration.

Gibbs’s most egregious recent blunder also had to deal with BP. Gibbs was trying to say that the Obama Administration would hold BP accountable for the cost of the oil spill cleanup. What he actually said was that, “We will keep our … boot on the throat of BP to ensure that they’re doing all that is necessary while we do all that is humanly possible to deal with this incident.” Such a statement from a high Administration official is more than little creepy and unfortunately suggestive of the tactics of totalitarian thugs. One could imagine the hand-wringing and rightful angry reaction if a Bush press secretary had suggested that `We will keep our boot on the throat of Islamic states to ensure that they’re doing all that is necessary to help  capture terrorists.” The foot-on-the-throat metaphor is inappropriate as a general matter.

What is amazing is that Gibbs felt free to suggest such action as long as it was against an oil company. Will there be similar promises against other companies that err or cross the Administration?  Perhaps less unexpected is that the Left seemed less phased by this unfortunate metaphor in  a serious context than by a joke by President Obama.

At a White House Correspondents Dinner, a occasion where humor is the theme, President Obama joked:

“Jonas Brothers are here, they’re out there somewhere. Sasha and Malia are huge fans, but boys, don’t get any ideas. Two words for you: predator drones. You will never see it coming. You think I’m joking?’

an Prospect,  worried that the joke displayed a lack of sympathy for those innocents accidentally killed by weapons launched by predator drones.

The Left has no sense of humor and does not seem to be able to recognize a humorous remark delivered in a light context (President Obama’s joke) and a inappropriate metaphor (Gibb’s use of boot-on-the-throat threat) delivered seriously in a formal context. The reaction by the Left to these incidents reveals more about the Left than it does about Gibbs or Obama.

Trying to Stifle Dissent

Sunday, April 18th, 2010

Recently, former President Bill Clinton gravely warned that the anti-government sentiment could incite people to violence. Clinton was directing his criticism against the Tea Party protesters, whose demonstrations have proven remarkably peaceful. No one wishes to encourage violence, but we suggest here that Clinton’s warning is more about discrediting legitimate dissent than a warning against violence.

If Clinton were sincere about his concern, he might have spoken out against incendiary speech against President George Bush. Not only was Bush regularly compared to Hitler, but prominent people made accusations designed to engender anti-Bush hatred. The late Senator Ted Kennedy called the Iraq war a “fraud” cooked up in Texas. Air America radio talk show host Randi Rhodes speculated about a mafia style elimination of Bush. The 2006 movie the Death of a President graphically depicted the fictional assassination of the very real President Bush. Can you imagine the righteous (and justifiable) hand-wringing if there were such a graphic depiction of a similar incident with regard to President Barack Obama? It would probably not win the same number of international film awards.

The truth is that the Tea Party protests have been largely peaceful with far fewer arrests and incidents than usually accompany the same number of protesters for other causes. Just consider the Left-wing violent protests that typically happen whenever the G8 meets. According the New York Times, Tea Party protesters come from the middle classes, slightly more affluent and more educated than the population as a whole. Perhaps the most we can learn from Clinton’s remarks is that the Tea Party movement is threatening because it is so representative of a large swath of America.

Clinton has a history of exploiting domestic terrorism for political advantage. After a the destruction of the Murrah Building in Oklahoma City killing 168 people.  Clinton and his political strategist Dick Morris, consciously used the tragedy to suggest that Conservatives, particularly those on talk radio created an environment conducive to violence. Unfortunately, we have come to expect such cynicism from politicians. It probably says more about Clinton and other Democratic leaders that they are so fretful about a group that has as the first element of its program:

“Require each bill to identify the specific provision of the Constitution that gives Congress the power to do what the bill does.

Regime Change?

Sunday, April 4th, 2010

It is sometimes difficult to distinguish between genuine and manufactured outrage. On MSNBC recently, commentary Chris Matthews was upset about the use of the word “regime” with regard to the Obama Administration by Rush Limbaugh. Matthews is correct in that the use of the word “regime” in this regard is useless partisan hyperbole. However, in Matthew’s anger could only make sense context of political amnesia.

Matthews said:  “I’ve never seen language like this in the American press…referring to an elected representative government, elected in a totally fair, democratic, American election — we will have another one in November, we’ll have another one for president in a couple years — fair, free, and wonderful democracy we have in this country…. We know that word, ‘regime.’ It was used by George Bush, ‘regime change.’ You go to war with regimes. Regimes are tyrannies. They’re juntas. They’re military coups. The use of the word ‘regime’ in American political parlance is unacceptable, and someone should tell the walrus to stop using it.”

During the 2004, elections there were many signs at political rallies calling for “regime change” with regard to the Bush Administration. While it is hard to draw too many conclusions from signs held by anger partisans at demonstrations, Democratic nominee, Senator John Kerry in a speech to a Democratic gathering in Peterborough, New Hampshire encourage supporters  by saying, “What we need now is not just a regime change in Saddam Hussein and Iraq, but we need a regime change in the United States.” Byron York reports that Maureen Dowd in the New York Times used “regime” in reference to the Bush Administration from 2001 to 2009.

Republicans were duly outraged at the time, but why is Matthews so upset now when the usage is marshaled against the politician that caused “thrills up” his leg ? There have a few signs (but by no means many) at Tea Party demonstrations conflating Obama with Hitler which have drawn the ire of the Left. However, during the Bush Administration such vitriol was a dominant theme from the Left. It was even common to hear such anger among temperamentally moderate Liberals who are now upset when harsh words are said about President Barack Obama.

It is not just a case of willful forgetfulness, rather is part of an internal narrative that Liberals, abetted by other Liberals in the press, have deluded themselves into believing that confuses Liberals like Matthews. There is no real conviction that different people can reasonably disagree and hold different political position. Conservative are Conservatives not because in the trade-off between freedom and equality of outcomes, they lean toward freedom, it is because they are mean-spirited bigots. There are Conservatives who have the same affliction with regard to their assessment of those on the Left, but the contagion is not nearly so virulent among Conservatives, because this narrative is not repeated in the mainstream media. As the media bifurcates into Left and Right, the affliction may become a more evenly distributed.