Archive for the ‘Law’ Category

New Questions on Long-Term Care

Sunday, March 27th, 2005

Conservatives and Liberals tend to have different ideas about the sphere within which individuals ought to be allowed free rein for their discretion. Liberals believe that young teenage girls have the moral insight and experience as well as the right to decide to undergo abortions without parental notification. At the same time, they hold that adults are incapable of managing a portion of their social security payments in private retirement accounts. The decisions of teenage girls on an issue of intense moral significance are sacrosanct, while adults require government supervision to manage their retirement.

On the other hand, Conservatives are eager to extend freedom by lowering tax rates and allowing taxpayers to keep more of their own money. The Conservative intuition holds that control of personal resources broadens the scope of personal discretion and thus freedom. But, woe to anyone who wishes to spend their money on recreational drugs.

Even the Libertarian position has its problems. Liberations claim to want to maximize freedom of choice and believe drug use ought to be a matter of personal choice. However, if abused, recreational drug use certainly curtails the freedom of the user. It is an open question as to which policy concerning drug use effectively maximizes freedom

The Terry Schiavo case also raises interesting and important questions about the extent and limits of personal sovereignty. There appear to be two questions that are at issue here. The issues are separate but abrade against one another. The first question is: What level of treatment would Ms. Schiavo have wanted? In the absence, of clear documentation of her preferences, who should decide on her behalf? At this point, her husband and her parents are at odds as to Ms. Schiavo’s wishes and the law gives the spouse presumptive guardians status. The second issue is the determination of the mental status of Ms. Schiavo. Is she in “permanent vegetative state” with no consciousness and no realistic prospects of consciousness returning? Is she is a semi-conscious state with some awareness of her surroundings and some ability to interact?

Let us lay aside for a moment the particulars of this case and ask more general questions about the limits of personal sovereignty and autonomy? Do we wish to grant people personal sovereignty in all cases? When we are not considering palliative care in the terminal stage of life, but long term care, do we expect others to grant all our wishes with respect to care? Christopher Reeve, the actor made famous in the Superman movies who was paralyzed in an accident, required medical care to stay alive, but lived many years before his final illness. He could not feed himself or take care of other needs, but was perfectly conscious and aware. If he asked that his medical care be stopped because he did not want to accept the quality of life afforded a quadriplegic, would we be obliged to honor and assist in this request? Ought we refuse and thereby limit his personal discretion? Can the state step in and prevent assisted suicide by someone who decided that he does not like the quality of his life? Is a person’s life and existence entirely his own, or do we all have an important interest in everyone else’s life?

If a person is in a persistent vegetative state, if he has no conscious, should that person be considered dead? While we would all concede the necessity to exercise extreme caution in coming to this diagnosis and the necessity to resolve any doubt by presumptively asserting that there is latent consciousness, it is possible to conceive of situation where all are morally certain that there is no “there” there. In such a case, is there any obligation to maintain life even if that person had earlier requested such extraordinary treatment? Are we obliged to honor the wishes of someone who would have directed us to maintain their bodily functions, even after brain death?

Much has been made as to what Terry Schiavo would have wanted. However, few are asking broader questions that have escaped noticed as people have argued about the facts of this case. Do individuals have the right to refuse long-term care because of quality of life issues? Do individuals have the right to ask that life sustaining care be continued after a careful diagnosis of brain death? With ever more capable and expensive medical care and with the Baby Boom generation entering the last third of third lives, these questions are sure to be asked more and more frequently.

Just Slow Down

Sunday, March 20th, 2005

“The case of Terri Schiavo raises complex issues. Yet in instances like this one, where there are serious questions and substantial doubts, our society, our laws, and our courts should have a presumption in favor of life. Those who live at the mercy of others deserve our special care and concern. It should be our goal as a nation to build a culture of life, where all Americans are valued, welcomed, and protected and that culture of life must extend to individuals with disabilities.” — White House Press Release, March 17, 2005.Terri Schiavo and the question as to whether her feeding tube ought to be disconnected touches on so many issues of morality, law, and family, that is often difficult to sort out the conflicting issues so that they may be carefully and precisely weighed. The White House statement above is just a restatement of the common sense notion that on matters of life and death one ought to act with reasonable caution. As this is being written, Ms. Schiavo’s feeding tube has been removed and unless it is restored, she will likely die of starvation and dehydration in two weeks. At the same time, both houses of Congress are scrambling to open up the possibility of a review by the Federal courts of the decision by state Judge George Greer to allow the removal of the feeding tube.

About 15 years ago, Terri Schiavo suffered a stroke that left her severely disabled. The degree of her mental impairment is at the center of this case. Presently, Ms. Schiavo’s parents and siblings wish to care for her and maintain her life, while her husband, de jure if not de facto, insists the his wife would have wanted the feed tube removed. Ms. Schiavo has no living will stating her preferences for treatment. By both common law and state law, the discretion in this case is given to the husband.

Part of the popular confusion of the case derives from the fact that many of us have or will be faced with ostensibly similar situations with respect to ailing relatives. In the last week of her life, as my aunt was dying of pancreatic cancer, she asked not to be fed. As her body was shutting down, the addition of more food and water was her causing extreme discomfort. The lack of food was less uncomfortable than being fed. She insisted that she not be fed in the final days of her life. Her express wishes were honored.

This and similar situations should not be confused with Ms. Schiavo’s circumstances. Until the feeding tube was removed and despite the fact that her husband placed her in a hospice facility, Ms. Schiavo was not a terminally ill patient. She is being killed by starvation because the state court of Florida has determined that in her “persistent vegetative state” it is permissible for her husband to decide that her life is not worth living.

Despite the years of litigation, there are important issues that ought to be resolved before the state permits Ms. Schiavo’s life to be taken. Consider the following two important questions:

  • Is Ms. Schiavo in truly in a persistent vegetate state? There are apparently important medical tests, including MRI’s and PET (Positron Emission Tomography) that have not been performed that can more clearly assess the actual extent of Ms. Schiavo’s brain damage. Surely, if we can delay the execution of convicted criminals pending the results of DNA tests, we can wait for more dispositive tests in the case of Ms. Schiavo. The state judge in the case refused to allow the new tests.
  • Michael Schiavo, Terri’s husband, long ago moved in with another woman and has fathered two children by her. It is possible to understand how a person might decide to move on with his life. However, after having done so, should this person’s discretion now take precedence over parents in determining what is to happen to Terri Schiavo? In addition, given the fact that physical and other therapy that might have improved Ms. Schiavo’s condition were not permitted by her husband, there seems to be evidence that he may not have his wife’s best interests at heart.

There is no pressing need to kill Ms. Schiavo now. If she is really mentally dead and incapable of feeling pain, then a little more time connected to a feeding tube should not be an issue. A headline at MSNBC opines that “The time has come to let Terri Schiavo die.” This mode of thought perfectly misunderstands the situation. Until it can be unequivocally stated that Ms. Schiavo has no brain function and it will not return, the removal of her feeding tube is not letting her die. It is killing her, just as surely as if the feeding tube were pulled from any number of other disabled people, like the late Christopher Reeves.

Decision on Juvenile Death Penalty

Sunday, March 6th, 2005

The Constitution has become so revered that it is now burdened by the popular perception that everything that is good must be mandated somewhere in the Constitution and that the Constitution must prohibit all that is bad.  Though the Constitution protects important individual liberties and privileges, it is primarily a framework and context in which we Americans must decide how to rule ourselves.  We collectively cannot dodge the duty to decide what is wise and prudent and leave decisions up to Courts.  The critical distinction between what is preferred and what is required by the Constitution was lost by the Court in Roper v. Simmons.

Reasonable people can disagree about whether it is wise to apply the death penalty to those who commit a capital offense before their reaching their eighteenth birthday.  Some Libertarians and Conservatives are against the death penalty altogether because that is too much power to grant the state.  Nonetheless and despite the Court’s recent ruling, that is a decision that should be largely left to the people and their representatives. In a decision separated by single vote, 5-4, the Court ruled that after over 200 hundred years the Eight Amendment’s injunction against “cruel and unusual punishment” now prohibits the execution of criminals who committed crimes as minors.  The disappointing part of the decision is the weakness of the arguments used by the Court and the increasing tendency of the Court to float on a sea of social issues unmoored by law and precedent.  The Court basically made four arguments to support its decision:

  1. The people are against the execution of minors.
  2. Jurors are incapable of assessing the maturity of young defendants.
  3. The Court’s members are against the execution of minors.
  4. The world is against the execution of minors.

National Consensus

The words “cruel and unusual” are value-laden and likely to change with time.  The Court now suggests that the country has reached a national consensus that execution for crimes committed as a minor is “cruel and unusual” and that juveniles are fully responsible for their decisions.  However, if such a consensus had been reached then we could see the consensus in decisions of those most attuned to the opinion of the people, elected officials.  Eighteen states permit the execution of minors so empirically there is no broad national consensus as suggested by the Court.  If every jurisdiction, save a handful of small ones prohibited executions for offenses committed as minors, the Court could argue that the country having reached a consensus.  However, at this point the Court is reaching far beyond what can be supported by the evidence.

Juries are Incapable of Weighing Age as a Mitigating Factor

The Court expressed concern that juries would be so emotionally overwhelmed by brutal violent crimes that they would not be able to fairly weigh youth as a mitigating factor.  The Court does not cite evidence for their assertion or provide a single case where a jury erred in this way.   Indeed, the rate at which capital punishment is applied to minors for the same crimes as committed by adults suggests that juries take seriously their responsibility to weigh mitigating factors.  The Court’s assertion is probably laying the ground work for a future argument that jurors are not capable of exercising sufficiently careful consideration of other mitigating factors such a poverty and emotional immaturity and therefore all capital punishment is “cruel and unusual.”

The Court Has the Necessary Moral Sensibility

The Court rather arrogantly asserts that it is the moral arbiter affirming that “[I]n the end our own judgment will be brought to bear on the question of the acceptability of the death penalty under the Eight Amendment.”  Justices are chosen on the basis of their legal abilities not on their moral perceptions and are no more qualified than legislators in deciding moral issues.  We do not choose philosophers, theologians, or ethicists for the Court.  We choose legally-trained minds.  Yet, there appears not limit to the wisdom which members of the Court will ascribe to themselves.  As Justice Antonin Scalia argued in his dissent, “By what conceivable warrant can nine lawyers presume to be the authoritative conscience for a nation?”

The World is Against It

Perhaps most disconcerting is Court’s argument that constitutional interpretations are buttressed by international opinion. Justice Kennedy writes that, “The opinion of the world community, while not controlling our outcome, does provide respected and significant confirmation for our own conclusions.”

The experience of other countries is a relevant argument in legislative debates about any issue.  However, the Court’s appeal to international authority is unprincipled since it not an argument that the majority of the Court would apply to other cases.  As Scalia points out, the Court would find inconvenient international opinions in other controversial areas.  Only six countries permit abortion-on-demand up to viability.  Does this international consensus deserve consideration in the Court’s abortion decisions?  Should the Court overturn the exclusionary rule that prohibits the admission in court of evidence illegally obtained by the police because no other countries choose to observe such a restriction?  Should the Court permit the direct funding of religious schools because a consensus of European countries finds that this does not foreshadow a theocracy? No. These international decisions do not support the Court’s current positions.

A majority of the Court has demonstrated in this case a willingness, indeed an eagerness, to twist principle and ignore law in the service of the outcome they politically prefer independent of the Constitution. More appointments to the Court by Bush can not come too soon.

The Case of Ward Churchill and Academic Tenure

Sunday, February 13th, 2005

For people with a politically Conservative perspective, Ward Churchill is just one of those gifts that keep on giving. For many years, Conservatives have been pointing out to a largely indifferent country, that parts of universities, particularly the humanities departments, have become tenured bastions for the far-Left, largely out of touch with most Americans and only loosely connected to serious scholarship.

Enter Ward Churchill, chairman of the Department of Ethnic Studies at the University of Colorado. Professor Churchill was to be a speaker at Hamilton College. Churchill probably believed that this was to be one of many speaking engagements at an American university where one can get paid to spew vicious, hateful statements, rally radical students, and pass largely unnoticed by not only a majority of students on campus, but by the world at large.

However, this time before his speech at Hamilton College what Churchill had been saying for some time about 9/11 came to popular attention before he could speek at Hamilton College. Bill O’Reilly at FoxNews perhaps deserves credit for bring Churchill to national attention.

The people who died in the 9/11 attacks represented people from all walks of American life and insulting them was the same as insulting all of America. Churchill compared the people working at the World Trade Center on 9/11 to functionaries of a Fascist system, specifically calling them “little Eichmanns.” Adolph Eichmann was technocrat in the Nazi regime who managed the logistics of the Holocaust. Ward Churchill was suggesting that those that died on 9/11 were not innocent and somehow deserved what happened to them.

Every serious person now recognizes Churchill as a scheming charlatan who plays up a fictitious American Indian background and relies on the generosity of the taxpayers of the Colorado to subsidize his speech and provide him the patina of legitimacy. There is little to be gained here by towering yet one more one silly statement of his upon another. To do so would be grant him more credibility than he deserves. Churchill’s cruel and hateful speech, however, has shined a light upon other questions about academia.

Churchill is a tenured professor at the University of Colorado and as such can not and should not be dismissed for making irresponsibly foolish statements. The real question is by what criteria is the University of Colorado granting tenure. Mr. Churchill does not have a PhD, the usually required credential. However, a university might overlook that particular credential if Churchill had an exemplary publication record in peer-reviewed journals. It seems that Mr. Churchill is lacking in that area as well.

The truth is that there are some departments at some universities that are not really scholarly departments, but rather paid centers of advocacy that universities tolerate lest they be considered less than tolerant. The support of such departments is protection money to keep campus peace. Ask yourself whether any science or engineering department at the University of Colorado would have hired as a professor, much less granted tenure to and make chairman of a department, anyone with as few scholarly credentials as Churchill.

Of course, there are exceptions to the rule that angry anti-Americanism comes from non-scholarly, indeed anti-scholarly enclaves at universities. Noam Chomsky is a broadly recognized expert in linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology who vocally spews far Left, largely anti-American politics. In some sense, Chomsky has earned the right (that is tenure) by his scholarship to enter the university dialogue.

Yet in the case of Churchill, a mistake is a mistake, and to support the concept of tenure, the University of Colorado will have to tolerate Churchill for at least a little while longer. The Rocky Mountain News in Denver is now lavishing on Churchill the scrutiny the University of Colorado should have devoted before granting Churchill tenure. According to the Rocky Mountain News, there is some question as to whether Churchill has committed plagiarism. It is too soon to tell, but the University of Colorado may yet find a way to use possibly fraudulent scholarship on the part of Churchill as a cause for dismissal and a way to circumvent tenure.

Somewhere at the University of Colorado, there must have been an academic dean who signed off on Churchill’s tenure. If that person is still at the university, he or she ought to be dismissed for allowing a person without sufficient scholarly credentials to be granted tenured.

It is unfortunate that it is only under the pressure of public embarrassment, that the University of Colorado may do the right thing. What of all the other Churchill’s holed up in ivory towers, not pursuing scholarship put political advocacy?

Strong Conservative Government

Sunday, January 30th, 2005

The Libertarian sect of the Conservative faith devoutly believes in the power of free markets to generate wealth, efficiently allocate resources, reward merit, bridge social classes, and ameliorate all manner of social ills. However, Libertarians often fail to recognize or at least neglect to acknowledge that free markets to not arise out of nothing. Markets, with their reliance on the rule of law, a reliable common currency, and social stability, depend upon strong governments. Ron Chernow’s recent biography, Alexander Hamilton, reminds us just how much American capitalism relies upon the governmental structures created by the nation’s first treasury secretary.

After the American Revolution, the United States (plural intentional) remained a rather loose confederation of states lacking a strong central government not dependent on the largesse of the states. There was not even a common currency. States, like small principalities collected duties as products crossed state boundaries. In many cases, people thought of themselves primarily as Virginians or New Yorkers. The American identity was real, but still secondary. The Articles of Confederation were not working. Economic growth was limited by interstate trade restrictions and a lack of liquidity, and there remained a real potential for the American states to become pawns in the international competition between France and England.

The states convened a convention to make the appropriate modifications, but what emerged was the US Constitution that instituted a comparatively strong federal government with a strong executive. The ratification of the Constitution was not automatic and it required considerable lobbying by Hamilton in New York and James Madison in the Virginia to secure it. The Federalist Papers written primarily by Hamilton and Madison with contributions by John Jay laid out the intellectual case for the Constitution and played a pivotal role in New York’s crucial ratification. Even with the ratification, it took the presidency of George Washington to tie the country long enough for the Constitutional institutions to take tenuous root.

What is less appreciated is how Hamilton used the treasury department to bind the nation together. Hamilton arranged for the assumption of individual state debts by the federal government. This was opposed by southern states like Virginia that had already paid their debts and did not want to subsidize some northeastern states that still retained significant debt. Since the new constitution prohibited interstate customs duties, it was less possible for some states to pay their debts. Hamilton helped negotiate a compromise with Thomas Jefferson whereby the federal government would assume state debts and in return the new federal capital would be moved to the South. With this grand compromise, the economic fortunes of the states became strongly coupled.

The Republicans (later to become the present day Democrats) led by Jefferson still believed in a bucolic agrarian society dominated by patrician farmers like themselves. Manufacturing and financial services were suspect and somehow less ennobling. The Republicans represented a populist movement deeply distrustful of wealth not obtained from the fields. As one wit would have it, the Jeffersonian Republicans did not trust people who earned their income by the furrows, rather than the sweat, of their brows. This philosophy was buttressed by the nearly universal experience of plantation owners in the South. They were typically in debt to British creditors as they tried to simultaneously live the extravagant lives of country gentlemen, while managing not particularly efficient plantations. It is not surprising that those who were land-rich and cash-poor would nurture animosity against creditors and banks

Hamilton, the self-made hero of the Revolutionary War who immigrated to the colonies as an orphan from the West Indies, realized that only through robust commerce would the country become wealthy enough to maintain its political independence. Hamilton’s key contribution was the formation of a national bank and the creation of a national debt. Contrary to the deficit spending that the federal government engages in now, the national debt in post-Revolutionary War America was more akin to present day paper money. Hamilton believed that the debt should be repaid regularly through customs duties, but bank notes backed by the United States government provided necessary liquidity to finance commercial growth. It is additionally ironic that this increase in liquidity reduced interest rates and actually alleviated some of the debt burden born by plantation owners in the South.

Nonetheless, the fact that those in New York grew rich in commerce was resented and many believed that Hamilton must by privately benefiting from his forceful institution of the national bank. After Jefferson became president he had his treasury secretary, Albert Gallatin, carefully comb the US financial records looking for evidence of Hamilton’s perfidy or other fraud. To the disappointment of Jefferson, his treasury secretary found “the most perfect system ever formed. Any change that should be made in it would injure it. Hamilton made no blunders, committed no frauds.”

The country was prosperous and Jefferson wisely retained Hamilton’s bank and government financing structures, griping, “[I]t mortifies me to be strengthening principles I find vicious.” It was not until James Madison became president and allowed ideology to overwhelm prudence that the national bank was disestablished. General discontent from the resulting economic downturn may have contributed to the War of 1812 against the British.

Hamilton, who arguably is the person most responsible for the capitalist country we have grown into, was a champion of a broader interpretation of federal powers than Jeffersonian Republicans. When the Constitution granted the legislature or the executive a general power, Hamilton claimed that Congress retained an “implied powers … necessary and proper” for the exercise of the general power. Jefferson and the Republicans ineffectively argued that since the expressed power to create a national bank was not specifically written in the US Constitution, there was not such power. Hamilton’s interpretation prevailed. If it had not, it is doubtful whether the tiny band of 13 colonies would have remained cohesive enough to become a continental and eventually a world power.

Though rhetorically Jefferson always articulated a small government vision, he was not above the expansion of executive power when he became president. It was Hamilton’s doctrine of implied powers that made possible Jefferson’s Louisiana Purchase. Chernow cites John Quincy Adams apt description of the Louisiana Purchase as “an assumption of implied power greater in itself, and more comprehensive in its consequences, than all the assumptions of implied powers in the years of the Washington and Adams administrations.”

The past two hundred years have seen political parties turn upside down in other ways. Jeffersonian Republicans believed that will of the people as expressed through Congress was the ultimate authority. They did not subscribe to the concept of judicial review of the constitutionality of laws. While modern day liberals must resort to courts to win victories they cannot win at the ballot boxes, their erstwhile champion, Jefferson chafed a judicial review as just one more way the Federalists were thwarting the will of the people. He complained of the “original error of establishing a judiciary independent of the nation.” By contrast, Hamilton believed that the country could survive without an independent judiciary.

Perhaps the saddest part of Chernow’s book is the description of the death of Hamilton in a duel with Aaron Burr, Jefferson’s vice-president, who later hatched schemes to divide the United States. Sadly, Alexander’s death was presaged by the death of Hamilton’s oldest and most promising son, Philip, also in a duel.

As poignant as these parts are, Chernow’s greatest contribution is filling in the history of ideas that served to create US capitalism and the reminding us of the necessity of a strong vigorous government for capitalism. Sometimes, strong governments can enhance and protect liberty. Whereas, Jefferson may be perceived at the champion of the commoner against moneyed interests, it was his political adversary Hamilton that created economic structures that allowed the US to remain free and independent. It was the avidly abolitionist Hamilton who helped create an economic meritocracy, while Jefferson could not match his beautiful rhetoric in the Declaration of Independence that “all men are created equal” by freeing his slaves.

Foolish Consistency

Sunday, January 16th, 2005

In his essay on “Self Reliance,” Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote a now oft-quoted admonition that, “A foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds, adored by little statesmen and philosophers and divines.” It is, alas, far too easy to recognize inconsistencies in others, while forgiving our own lapses. Moreover, some inconsistency is to be preferred. It is certainly true that without inconsistencies, without changes in outlook, without the introduction of new ideas, there is no growth and no change. The addition of more information and more expansive considerations can result in different conclusions that do not reflect desultory mental processes, but rather an active, engaged, and inquisitive mind.

Lest one wishes to fall into Emerson’s dreadful category of “little statesmen and philosophers and divines,” there should be a natural reticence to make too much of the inconsistencies of others. Nonetheless, new conclusions ought to be organic outgrowths of old ideas and part of this growth is an understanding of how and why our ideas have changed. Honesty requires an accounting for reasons behind changes in opinion, an explanation of the evolution of new ideas. Robert Scheer, is a contributing editor at the influential Left-leaning, some would say far-Left, publication, The Nation. He recently seems to have swung himself around completely on his assessment of the true threat of Al Qaeda and he needs to provide a more complete accounting this reversal.

Exactly a year after the devastating attacks by Al Qaeda, that killed thousands on September 11, 2001, Scheer wrote critically of both the Bush and Clinton Administrations for not being quick and vigorous enough in dealing with the obvious threat posed by Al Qaeda. In an article entitled “Bin Laden: A Known Monster Before 9/11,” Scheer wrote,

“The uniquely clear and overt terrorist threat of Osama bin Laden’s Al Qaeda organization to the United States, its bloody track record in attacking US targets overseas and even the exact location of its base of operations were all known by both the Clinton and George W. Bush Administrations.”

Not only did the US Government know about the threat, but Scheer claims, “…for embarrassingly petty bureaucratic and political reasons, both Presidents were unwilling or unable to take the monster out.”

In 2002, Scheer saw the threat from Al Qaeda as “clear” and criticized the US government for recognizing the threat and still not managing to thwart the attacks of September 11, 2001. Three years since then and two years since Scheer’s original complaint that the US did not respond vigorously enough to threats posed by Al Qaeda, there have been no attacks on US soil. It can not be known with certainty whether Al Qaeda is just biding its time in preparation of a more devastating attack, whether US attacks against Al Qaeda and the elimination of their sanctuaries have constrained Al Qaeda’s ability launch to such attack, or whether internal security measures have made such attacks more difficult to implement.

Scheer chooses a fourth alternative. Scheer, contrary to his old position, now asks in The Nation whether “Al Qaeda is Just a Bush Boogeyman?” A boogeyman is defined as an “imaginary monster used to frighten children” and by analogy Scheer suggests that the Al Qaeda is an overblown and exaggerated threat serving as just one more opportunity for Bush to curtail civil liberties. Of course, the suggestion that perhaps Bush’s policies may have significantly neutralized the Al Qaeda threat is not considered as a potential explanation.

No serious person can consider Al Qaeda simply a “boogeyman.” One is forced to wonder if Scheer has been blind to the work of Al Qaeda over the last couple of years when he asks, “If Osama bin Laden does, in fact, head a vast international terrorist organization with trained operatives in more than forty countries, as claimed by Bush, why, despite torture of prisoners, has this Administration failed to produce hard evidence of it?”

Perhaps he should ask the relatives of the over 180 people killed in a blast set off in Bali what evidence exists of the organization. Perhaps Scheer should inform the relatives of the 200 people killed by a series of bombings in Madrid Spain that the Al Qaeda threat has been exaggerated. Surely, these attacks constitute warnings just as dire and grave as the strike on the USS Cole on October 12, 2001 that presaged the ghastly events of September 11 — warnings Scheer claimed in 2002 we should have recognized and acted upon.

In “Self Reliance,” Emerson also averred that “no man can violate his nature.” It is apparently in Scheer’s nature to criticize the US government in general and George W. Bush in particular, to believe the worst about the US and especially about Bush, and to use whatever evidence available to draw the most negative conclusions possible. This is the fundamental conviction that animates Scheer and reconciles the arguments of the Scheer of 2002 with those of the Scheer of 2005. When viewed in this context, there is no inconsistency Scheer’s different positions.

No doubt, when and if, an Al Qaeda attack occurs here in the next four years, Scheer and The Nation will explain to us, with the same sincerity and certainty — and consistency — that they now dismiss the threat from Al Qaeda, how Bush’s failure to understand the severity of the threat led to attack.

Vincible Ignorance

Sunday, January 9th, 2005

The Catholic Church defines “invincible ignorance” as ignorance that cannot be remedied by diligent application of all the information and reasoning capacity available. One is not morally responsible for errors arising from invincible ignorance. By contrast, “vincible ignorance” is remedial; it can be overcome through honest effort. The present ignorance of the political Left on many matters is seemingly calculated and more aptly described, in a context far different than that originally intended by the Church, as “affected” ignorance, ignorance that is “deliberate and fostered.” One cannot escape moral culpability for errors arising out of affected ignorance.

Examples of affected ignorance that have grown into articles of faith on the Left abound. A non-comprehensive list might include the following:

  • Senator John Kerry really won the vote in Ohio and therefore the election in 2004 despite a recount and a 2% vote margin comparable to the 3% margin President George Bush enjoyed country-wide.
  • Vice-President Al Gore would have won the 2000 election if the votes had only been counted. They were and he didn’t.
  • Bush allowed guilty Saudi nationals to sneak out of the country just after the September 11 attacks. According the 9/11 Commission Report, everyone who left was appropriately vetted by the FBI.
  • The Saudis were going to keep oil prices down to help their friend George Bush win re-election. Prices actually rose and did not come down significantly until after the election. You do not find those who uttered such a belief now concede that they were wrong, lest the whole sand castle of conspiracy be washed away by a flood of reality.
  • “Karl Rove, the political manager at the White House, who is a very clever man, he probably set up bin Laden to this thing [the Bin Laden tape released less than a week before the election].” OK, only Walter Cronkite was making this unfounded assertion, but few on the Left were repudiating the remark. It fit so pleasantly and conveniently into the world view of the Left.

Add to this growing list, a new assertion. Corey Pein in the Columbia Journalism Review (CJR) disputes the conventional wisdom that the documents presented by CBS News and Dan Rather and used on 60 Minutes to discredit George Bush’s service in the National Guard were forgeries. He claims that the evidence is not conclusive. Pein is pained by the fact that uncontrolled blogs first called attention to inconsistencies in the documents and believes that the entire episode “looks less like a victory for democracy than a case of mob rule.”

Pein starts off by getting the burden of proof wrong. It is not up to bloggers to provide conclusive evidence that the documents are forgeries. After spending five years on the investigation, it was the duty of a large news organization like CBS, with its economic resources, to authenticate to a certainty the explosive anti-Bush documents released close to an election. Once the questionable documents are released, this burden of proof on CBS is not relieved.

At this point, not the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, or even CBS News will stand by the documents used in the 60 Minutes broadcast, but Pein still pleads to sympathetic readers of the CJR that, “We don’t know whether the memos were forged, authentic, or some combination thereof…” Of course, if we don’t know, the documents should not have been used.

Pein’s primary assault on the conventional wisdom about the “forged” documents is to criticize Joseph Newcomer, a “blogger” who earned a PhD in computer science and was one of the earlier pioneers in desktop publishing. Dr. Newcomer was able to duplicate the form of the CBS documents in just a few minutes using Microsoft Word. Unimpressed, Pein argues that “this proves nothing — you could make a replica of almost any document using Word.” However, the power of Newcomer’s initial case was the he was able to quickly duplicate the document using common Word settings. As Necomer explained, “The probability that any technology in existence in 1972 would be capable of producing a document that is nearly pixel-compatible with Microsoft’s Times New Roman font and the formatting of Microsoft Word, and that such technology was in casual use at the Texas Air National Guard, is so vanishingly small as to be indistinguishable from zero.”

Pein does not even attempt to refute or even acknowledge the far more complex analysis performed by Newcomer. If the case against Newcomer analysis was so strong, debunking Newcomer should have been straightforward.

What the CJR and Pein ought to concern themselves with is identifying the structural or cultural defects at CBS News that allowed this striking oversight? Could changes in protocols of professional journalism serve to prevent similar problems in the future? Instead Pein and CJR are wringing their hands about the most democratic of forums: web logs or “blogs.” If CBS’s evidence for document authenticity had been strong, there is little blogging would have done to discredit the 60 Minutes report. One can easily imagine that there might have been quite a different response by the CJR had Fox News been the news organization caught by bloggers using forged documents to discredit Kerry during the last election. In such case, bloggers would have been heralded as the vanguard of a new, more democratic journalism fighting the partisanship of corporation-backed journalism.

No doubt those who cannot help but believe the worst about George W. Bush will latch on to Pein’s piece as a yet another article of faith in the catechism of the Left: Bush did not serve honorably in the National Guard. In reality, Pien’s writing in the CJR provides one more piece of evidence for the case that in some quarters modern journalism has been hijacked in the service of Left-wing partisanship. More reasonable Liberals will undoubtedly be dreadfully concerned that the fanatic adherence by some of their political cohorts to political fictions will serve to discredit the Left generally.

ACLU War on the Boy Scouts

Sunday, November 21st, 2004

It is the sort of community project that is so common around the United States that it does not merit the attention of the news, but it remains extraordinary nonetheless. Like many Boy Scout troops around the country, one in Ellicott City Maryland finds itself concerned about former scouts who are now serving overseas in life-threatening situations. The threats in Iraq are certainly more immediate for those who helped raise the young adults who are now serving there.

This particular Maryland troop organized to send a 30-pound box of food, toiletries and other items to one of its Eagle Scouts now in Iraq. One thing that an Eagle Scout learns is service to others, so this overseas Eagle Scout wrote about his concern for his fellow soldiers. So not only did this troop manage to send their own Eagle Scout a box from home, but a total of ten boxes, 320 pounds all told, to Iraq. The entire project was conceived and executed in four days.

However, the real gift of these boxes it not tangible. It is not the cans of tuna or packages of crackers or cookies or coffee or CDs or DVDs or magazines that are important, it is the love and support expressed by taking the time and effort to assemble and send the boxes that is the greatest gift. Each box also contained holiday cards created by scouts addressed to the individual soldiers. It is these thoughtful messages that will nourish and sustain the soldiers long after the last cookie in the last box is consumed.

During the same week, it appears that the Department of Defense is capitulating to the demands of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and is no longer permitting military installations to sponsor Boy Scout troops. The egregious offense for which the Boy Scouts of America is being banished is the scout promise:

“…to do my duty to God and my country and to obey the Scout Law; to help other people at all times; to keep myself physically strong, mentally awake and morally straight.”

The ACLU sees an implicit and rigidly enforced theocracy when parents bring their children to scout troops sponsored by military bases. When others look at the Boy Scouts, they see adults helping to guide honorable young men. While the ACLU fears the mention of God in public spaces, others see an authoritarian effort to strip voluntary spirituality from the public square. While the ACLU sees forced religiosity, others see the ACLU trying to deny their right of voluntary association and an attempt to impose their own imperial secularity.

The crux of the ACLU’s argument is that the sponsorship of Boy Scouts is an implicit and unconstitutional endorsement of the idea of a higher being by a government entity. The logical extension of his argument would make the government posting of the Declaration of Independence — you remember the document that speaks of “self-evident” rights endowed by a “Creator” — an unconstitutional endorsement of religion.

The scouts have always been open to all religions. There is no question of endorsement of a particular sect or belief. However, if the government does not allow the sponsorship by volunteers at military bases, it is implicitly endorsing a world view that denies the existence of a God. If allowing sponsorship by military bases of a nonsectarian organization that encourages members to seek God in their own way is an endorsement of spirituality, then specifically denying the sponsorship endorses the alternative view, that there is no higher being to which we have an obligation.

In truth, the sponsorship of groups by military organizations, whether they are the Boy Scouts or the Boys and Girls Club (who make no specific reference to a higher being), does not constitute a religious “establishment” as prohibited by the First Amendement to the Constitution. This sponsorship represents only an attempt, by volunteers, to help the community and children. If the Pentagon excluded the sponsorship of youth groups unless they mentioned God in their oath, then the ACLU might have a case.

There is irony in the decision to deny sponsorship by the military of Boy Scouts troops for not being sufficiently inclusive, when the scouts where racially integrated long before the military. There is also a deeper irony is the fact that former Boy Scouts are fighting in Iraq against real theocratically-motivated oppression, while some at home are fighting against an organization that helped instill in these soldiers a deep respect for religious tolerance.

In the last election, there was a significant portion of the voters who expressed a concern about “moral values.” For some on the Left, “moral values” is code language for particular issues like abortion rights or same-sex “marriage.” This is far too narrow a view. “Moral issues” is also an umbrella term that includes the assault on community values and community organizations by intolerant legal bullies like the ACLU. If the Democratic leadership desires have a meaningful dialogue with those for whom moral issues are important, they need to refrain from allying themselves with bullying legal organizations like the ACLU and refrain from supporting an infinitely malleable legal jurisprudence that empowers such bullies. This is particularly true for litigious bullies who scare the Defense Department into a decision that hurts boys and young men.

Assault on Democracy

Thursday, October 21st, 2004

Election fraud is certainly easier in those precincts that are dominated by one party or another. The Democratic Party in some cities is so dominant that voter fraud in places like Chicago have become legend. One wit has suggested that when he dies he would like to be buried in Chicago. Just because one is dead does not mean one should not be involved in politics.

In this election, the world and conventional wisdom are turned upside down. The greatest claims of voter fraud and voter intimidation are occurring in places where party registration is more evenly divided. Where voter irregularities are the most difficult to perpetrate is precisely where the most complaints will be lodged. Clearly, this is because it is in close elections in evenly divided electorates that a small number of votes can alter an election outcome.

No party is particularly pure about voter fraud, though Democrats have had a greater opportunity for such activity since they are more likely to control mono-party areas. So far, there has been a private group that has been charged with discarding collected Democratic registrations. At the same time, an individual was charged with generating fraudulent registrations on behalf of Democrats in exchange for cocaine.

These sorts of irregularities are bound to happen in a country as large as ours, but they need to be tracked down and the guilty parties appropriately punished. However, what is more worrisome is when the ostensibly responsible Democratic Party appears to be poisoning the upcoming presidential election. Even within an organized party, which with Will Rogers believed the Democratic Party not to be, there are rogue elements. In too many cases, however, irresponsible statements and written materials from Democratic Party operatives have not been repudiated, but accepted and even embraced.

A Democratic National Committee manual written for this election suggests that evidence is not particularly relevant to claims of voting irregularities. Specifically, it enjoined that, “If no signs of [voter] intimidation have emerged yet, launch a pre-emptive strike.” It takes more mental gymnastics then most Americans are limber enough to execute to believe this is not an express exhortation to lodge charges unsupported by evidence. The manual is irresponsible at best and illegal at worst. Indeed, it is against the law to knowingly make such false accusations.

In a television interview, Eric Holder, a senior aide for Senator Kerry’s campaign and a former Justice Department official for the Clinton Administration recently stated if the election is fair, then Kerry will win Ohio. In essence, he is irresponsibly asserting that if President Bush wins Ohio, there has been, by definition, some sort of voter fraud. Paul Krugman the loudest anti-Bush voice in the anti-Bush New York Times has repeated the party line. In a recent column he asserted, “If the election were held today and the votes were counted fairly, Senator John Kerry would probably win. But the votes won’t be counted fairly, and the disenfranchisement of minority voters may determine the outcome.”

These sorts of statements and the eagerness with which the Kerry campaign seems to be poised to contest the legality of upcoming election by unleashing a swarm of locust-like lawyers around the country, based on the election outcome, represent a reckless and deliberate assault on democracy itself. If the vote is within, what has been characterized as the “margin of litigation,” the present default response of the Democratic Party is to charge fraud. This corrosive attitude not only makes it more difficult for the ultimate election winner to govern, but it eats away at the trust in government. Ironically, the more faith in the legitimacy of government is undermined by such behavior, the more difficult it will prove to implement the Liberal agenda that critically depends on the moral stature and acceptance of governmental authority.

Gore’s Disservice

Thursday, October 14th, 2004

From the standpoint of the popular vote the 1960 presidential election between then Senator John Kennedy and Vice-President Richard Nixonwas far closer than the razor thin 2000 election between Vice-President Al Gore and Governor George W. Bush. Kennedy won the popular vote in 1960 by 119,000 compared to the 545,000 margin for Gore in 2000. In addition, the total vote count was only 69 million in 1960 compared to the 105 million voters in 2000. A change of only a modest number of votes in Illinois and Texas (the home state of the vice-presidential candidate Lyndon Johnson) would have swung the election to Nixon.

Although there were some issues of fraud particularly in John Daly’s Chicago, Nixon conceded rather quickly. The day after the election, Nixon gave a conditional concession that the Kennedy campaign dismissed as insufficient. A little later, Nixon sent a concession telegram. The Kennedy campaign was still upset, considering the modest gesture small and lacking in class. Nonetheless, Nixon conceded and despite some continuing disputes led by the Republican Party, the decision was settled without the same prolonged tension the country suffered in 2000.

It is unclear why Nixon conceded. Was he really concerned about the consequences of tearing the country apart over a disputed election or did he simply believe that his case had little merit? In truth, elections are like calls by referees in the National Football League. The only way a call is overturned is if the instant replay shows conclusive evidence. In such a disputed election, conclusive evidence is needed and such evidence is hard to come by.

If Nixon had managed to compel an election reversal, Democratic partisans would have been even angrier than Republicans because Democrats would have tasted victory and had it confiscated from them.

Much of the current animosity and acrimony in American politics is the result of the decision by Vice-President Al Gore to vigorously contest the results in Florida in 2000. With each day, tension grew as accusations flew. Despite the eventual gracious concession by Gore, many weeks later, Democrats have been grumbling ever since. The effects are still being felt in the deep anger directed against Bush.

Reasonable people can agree and disagree with George Bush’s policies, but certainly his choices fall within the mainstream of choices presidents in the past have made. George Bush instituted tax cuts, but there were smaller in nature and more progressive than those initiated by Ronald Reagan. Bush may have deployed troops without the authorization of the United Nations, but Clinton deployed military forces to Bosnia not only without such authorization, but with nary an argument that US vital interests were involved. Moreover, Bush asked for a received authorization from Congress for his actions in Iraq.

Within the scope of recent presidential decisions, Bush, especially in the context of the attack on US soil by terrorist, Bush actions could even be characterized as moderate. Bush and the US military have shown far more concern about avoiding civilian casualties than previous administrations and certainly more than other countries.

The current sharp divisions in the country, may not be a direct consequence of Gore’s selfish decision to contest the 2000 election, but Gore’s decision certainly pried any gaps wide open. Richard Nixon had many faults, and Watergate revealed many of them. He was forced to leave office in 1974 in disgrace for his mendacity. However, he at least had to good sense to concede a close election, despite personal misgivings. Unfortunately, Gore did not exhibit similar character, and did the country a cruel disservice.